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the shock of arrested 16 Koreans and prostitution rings, accused 990 Apartments by New York prosecutors
http://www.nocutnews.co.kr/news/1176824
뉴욕서 한인 기업형 매춘조직 적발…18명 체포
2014-02-01 07:42ⓒ연합뉴스메일보내기
유시민 "朴 대통령은 혼군, 지금처럼 계속 갈 것"
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성매매에 마약·돈세탁까지…슈퍼볼 앞두고 호객 광고도한인타운 아파트에 호화 접대소…경찰, 11개월 수사 끝에 검거
미국 뉴욕 맨해튼의 한인타운을 근거지로 불법 성매매에서부터 마약까지 원스톱 서비스를 제공하고 돈세탁을 해온 기업형 한인 매춘 조직이 적발돼 한인 사회에 충격을 주고 있다.
31일(현지시간) 미국 언론에 따르면 뉴욕주 검찰과 뉴욕 경찰은 전날 한인 상가가 많은 맨해튼 34번가의 고층 아파트(990 아파트) 등을 급습해 윤 모(41·여) 씨, 조 모(44·여) 씨, 정 모(40·여) 씨 등 성매매 조직 운영자와 접대 여성, 브로커, 마약 공급책 등 18명을 긴급 체포했다. 이들 중 한인은 16명인 것으로 알려졌다.
이들은 맨해튼 이외에 롱아일랜드, 퀸스, 브루클린에서도 소규모 업소를 운영했으며 맨해튼 아파트에는 호화 시설을 갖추고 손님이 원하면 마약까지 제공하는 원스톱 서비스를 의미하는 '파티 팩'(party pack)이라는 상품을 팔았다.
또 윤 씨 등 3명의 여성은 서비스 제공 수준에 따라 매춘 여성들을 3개의 그룹으로 분리해 운영했고 그룹별로 매니저를 둬 고객 유치 역할을 맡기는 등 기업형 영업을 했다.
매춘 조직은 코카인을 '파티', '주얼리', '파우더', '수제비'등으로 지칭했고 술과 마약으로 정신을 잃은 손님의 신용카드를 무단으로 사용, 하룻밤에 1만 달러 이상을 청구하기도 했다.
수사 당국은 이 조직이 이런 수법으로 지난해에만 300만 달러를 벌었다고 밝혔다.
이 조직은 불법 행위로 얻은 수입을 세탁하기 위해 화장품, 가발, 옷, 택시 관련 업체인 것처럼 위장해 영업했다.
한인 조직은 인터넷 등을 통한 성매매 광고로 손님을 모았고 다음 달 2일 열리는 슈퍼볼을 앞두고는 단골손님에 '섹시하고 예쁜 새로운 여성들이 당신을 기다리고 있다'는 휴대전화 문자 메시지를 보내기도 했다.
에릭 슈나이더만 뉴욕주 법무장관은 "최근 11개월간 감시와 내사를 해왔다"면서 "슈퍼볼을 앞두고 조직의 움직임이 활발해져 증거를 포착했고 검거할 수 있었다"고 밝혔다.
체포된 용의자들은 유죄가 입증되면 8∼25년의 징역형을 받을 수 있는 것으로 알려졌다.
하지만, 뉴욕주 검찰은 성매매에 종사한 여성들을 피해자로 판단해 성매매 조직의 주인들만 처벌할 방침이다.
http://www.newsis.com/ar_detail/view.html?ar_id=NISX20140201_0012693803&cID=10506&pID=10500
뉴욕 검찰, 한인 매춘조직 ‘990아파트’ 적발 한인 16명 체포 충격
등록 일시 [2014-02-01 02:55:42] 최종수정 일시 [2014-02-01 03:07:55]
【뉴욕=뉴시스】노창현 특파원 = 뉴욕 맨해튼 한인타운을 근거지로 불법 성매매 행각과 마약 파티를 벌여온 기업형 한인 매춘 조직이 적발돼 충격을 주고 있다.
뉴욕주 검찰은 30일 맨해튼 34가의 성매매 조직을 급습해 윤모(41·여), 조모(41·여), 정모(40·여)씨와 마약 운반책 유모(34·남)씨를 비롯한 한인 16명 등 총 18명을 불법 성매매 및 알선, 돈세탁, 마약 유통 등의 혐의로 긴급 체포했다.
기소장에 따르면 매춘 조직은 주소지(990 6애버뉴)를 딴 일명 ‘990아파트’로 불려졌으며 윤모씨와 정모씨, 조모씨 등이 매춘 여성들을 3개의 그룹으로 분리, 운영해 왔다. 버터플라이그룹, 골드VIP그룹, 재키 그룹 등 서비스 수준에 따라 나눠진 가운데 매니저가 인터넷이나 전화를 통해 고객들을 유치하는 역할을 맡아 왔다.
매춘 조직은 맨해튼 한인타운을 중심으로 롱아일랜드와 퀸즈, 브루클린 일대까지 소규모 업소 등을 운영한 것으로 드러났다. 본거지인 맨해튼 990아파트는 럭셔리 시설을 갖추고 ‘파티 팩(Party Pack)’이라는 성매매와 마약을 연계한 패키지 서비스를 제공해 왔다.
이들은 코카인을 ‘수제비’, ‘주얼리’, ‘파우더’ 등으로 불렀으며 고객들이 술과 마약으로 정신을 잃으면 신용카드를 사용해 하룻밤에 1만 달러 이상을 청구하기도 한 것으로 밝혀졌다.
최근에는 슈퍼볼 시즌을 맞아 단골 고객들에게 ‘새로운 아가씨들이 대기하고 있다’는 전화 메시지를 보내는 등 적극적으로 호객 행위를 하기도 했다. 이들 조직은 무려 11개월 간 이어진 주 검찰과 뉴욕 시경의 치밀한 수사 끝에 일망타진됐다.
이들이 성매매와 마약 판매로 그간 벌어들인 돈은 최소 300만 달러에 달하는 것으로 추산되고 있다. 용의자들은 유죄가 입증될 경우 최소 8년에서 최고 25년형까지 받을 수 있다.
robin@newsis.com
http://www.ikoreatimes.com/Article/view.aspx?p=10&aid=32631
뉴욕 기업형 한인 마약·매춘조직 적발
2014-01-31 오전 5:00 Korea Times
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텍스트 보내 고객 유인, 돈세탁까지… 18명 체포
매춘에 마약 제공 및 돈 세탁까지 ‘패키지’로 불법 서비스를 제공해 온 기업형 한인 성매매 조직이 적발돼 충격을 주고 있다.
뉴욕주 검찰은 뉴욕 경찰국과 합동으로 뉴욕 맨해턴의 고층아파트에서 암약해 오던 성매매 조직을 급습, 조직을 운영해 온 한인 윤모(41·여), 조모(41·여), 정모(40·여)씨를 포함한 매춘 여성 13명과 마약 운반책인 유모(34·남)씨 등 총 18명을 불법 성매매 및 알선, 돈세탁, 마약유통 등의 혐의로 긴급 체포했다고 30일 밝혔다.
이들은 일명 990 아파트라고 불리는 본거지에 사치스런 접대공간을 꾸며놓고 마약 서비스도 가능한 일명 ‘파티팩을 제공해 왔으며, 롱아일랜드, 퀸즈, 브루클린 일대까지 소규모 업소 등을 곳곳에 운영해 온 것으로 드러났다.
이들은 주로 코케인을 지칭하는 말로 ‘파티’ ‘주얼리’ ‘파우더’ 등의 단어 외에도 ‘수제비’로 부르기도 한 것으로 수사 결과 드러났다.
이들은 주로 인터넷 광고사이트 등을 통한 노골적인 성매매 광고를 내보낸 후 전화가 걸려오는 손님에게 차량을 보내 고객을 끌어오는 수법을 써왔으며, 최근에는 이번 주말 ‘수퍼보울’ 시즌을 맞아 단골손님들에게 ‘새로운 아가씨들이 대기하고 있다’는 전화 메시지를 보내는 방식으로 호객행위를 해 온 것으로 드러났다.
이들 조직이 성매매와 마약판매로 그간 벌어들인 돈은 최소 300만달러에 달하는 것으로 추산되고 있다. 아울러 벌어들인 돈을 세탁하기 위해 이들 조직은 화장품, 가발, 옷, 택시관련 업체인 것처럼 위장해 영업했다고 주검찰은 밝혔다.
뉴욕주 검찰은 그러나 성매매에 종사한 여성들을 ‘피해자’로 판단해 성매매 조직의 주인들만 처벌할 방침이다.
http://munhwai.com/news/view.html?section=1&category=5&no=6245
뉴욕 검찰, 한인불법 마약 판매 및 매춘 조직 16명 체포'충격'
성매매와 마약 판매로 벌어들인 돈, 최소 300만 달러 추산
2014.02.01 21:42 입력
▲불법 성매매와 마약판매 및 돈세탁 등 행각을 벌여온 한인 매춘조직 일당들이 30일 경찰에 체포된 뒤 인정신문을 받기위해 수갑을 찬 채 법원으로 줄지어 이동하고 있다. /2014년1월30일 뉴욕포스트
▲뉴욕 주 에릭 쉬나이더맨 검찰청장(왼쪽)이 뉴욕 시 경찰국 필립 뱅크스 경찰청장이 매춘 및 불법 마약판매 관련 인물 조직도에 대해서 설명하는 것을 쳐다 보고 있다. /2014년1월30일 AP Photo
뉴욕 맨해튼 한인타운을 근거지로 불법 성매매 행각과 마약 파티를 벌여온 기업형 한인 매춘 조직이 적발돼 충격을 주고 있다.
뉴욕주 검찰은 30일 맨해튼 34가의 성매매 조직을 급습해 윤모(41·여), 조모(41·여), 정모(40·여)씨와 마약 운반책 유모(34·남)씨를 비롯한 한인 16명 등 총 18명을 불법 성매매 및 알선, 돈세탁, 마약 유통 등의 혐의로 긴급 체포했다.
기소장에 따르면 매춘 조직은 주소지(990 6애버뉴)를 딴 일명 ‘990아파트’로 불려졌으며 윤모씨와 정모씨, 조모씨 등이 매춘 여성들을 3개의 그룹으로 분리, 운영해 왔다. 버터플라이그룹, 골드VIP그룹, 재키 그룹 등 서비스 수준에 따라 나눠진 가운데 매니저가 인터넷이나 전화를 통해 고객들을 유치하는 역할을 맡아 왔다.
매춘 조직은 맨해튼 한인타운을 중심으로 롱아일랜드와 퀸즈, 브루클린 일대까지 소규모 업소 등을 운영한 것으로 드러났다. 본거지인 맨해튼 990아파트는 럭셔리 시설을 갖추고 ‘파티 팩(Party Pack)’이라는 성매매와 마약을 연계한 패키지 서비스를 제공해 왔다.
이들은 코카인을 ‘수제비’, ‘주얼리’, ‘파우더’ 등으로 불렀으며 고객들이 술과 마약으로 정신을 잃으면 신용카드를 사용해 하룻밤에 1만 달러 이상을 청구하기도 한 것으로 밝혀졌다.
최근에는 슈퍼볼 시즌을 맞아 단골 고객들에게 ‘새로운 아가씨들이 대기하고 있다’는 전화 메시지를 보내는 등 적극적으로 호객 행위를 하기도 했다. 이들 조직은 무려 11개월 간 이어진 주 검찰과 뉴욕 시경의 치밀한 수사 끝에 일망타진됐다.
이들이 성매매와 마약 판매로 그간 벌어들인 돈은 최소 300만 달러에 달하는 것으로 추산되고 있다. 용의자들은 유죄가 입증될 경우 최소 8년에서 최고 25년형까지 받을 수 있다.
한편 뉴욕 경찰 당국이 발표한 매춘 및 불법 마약 판매로 적발, 체포된 18명 명단은 다음과 같다.
토니 유 Tony Yoo, 34; 조셉 랜드럼 Jopseh Landrum, 32;
윤현옥Hyun Ok Yoon, 41; 영 옥 Young Ok, 38;
민경춘 Kyung Chun Min, 33; 안순이 Sun Lee Ahn, 56;
이영미 Young Mi Lee, 40; 문지영 Ji Young Moon, 40;
제니스 리 Janice Lee, 35; 전희정 Hee Jung Chern, 42;
권해밍Haiming Quan, 41; 조경빈Kyong Bin Cho, 44;
장희정Jung Hee Jang, 43; 조인숙In Suk Cho, 49;
이지영Ji Young Lee, 34; 장하나Hada Jang, 26;
김니나Nina Kim, 31; 하정 헤스 Hajoung Heath, 40.
▲뉴욕 시 경찰국 필립 뱅크스 경찰청장이 밝힌 불법 마약 판매 및 매춘과 관련된 일부 인물들(사진 위 아래)2014.1월30일 ABC 뉴스 화면 캡쳐
▲불법 마약 판매와 매춘을 가장해서 인터넷에 올린 광고문 일부/ 2014.1.30 NY PD
문화아이닷컴 webmaster@munhwai.com
Super Bowl:Cops Bust Cocaine And Sex Ring:The arrests after 11-month investigation
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뉴욕서 한인 기업형 매춘조직 적발…18명 체포
2014-02-01 07:42ⓒ연합뉴스메일보내기
유시민 "朴 대통령은 혼군, 지금처럼 계속 갈 것"
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성매매에 마약·돈세탁까지…슈퍼볼 앞두고 호객 광고도한인타운 아파트에 호화 접대소…경찰, 11개월 수사 끝에 검거
미국 뉴욕 맨해튼의 한인타운을 근거지로 불법 성매매에서부터 마약까지 원스톱 서비스를 제공하고 돈세탁을 해온 기업형 한인 매춘 조직이 적발돼 한인 사회에 충격을 주고 있다.
31일(현지시간) 미국 언론에 따르면 뉴욕주 검찰과 뉴욕 경찰은 전날 한인 상가가 많은 맨해튼 34번가의 고층 아파트(990 아파트) 등을 급습해 윤 모(41·여) 씨, 조 모(44·여) 씨, 정 모(40·여) 씨 등 성매매 조직 운영자와 접대 여성, 브로커, 마약 공급책 등 18명을 긴급 체포했다. 이들 중 한인은 16명인 것으로 알려졌다.
이들은 맨해튼 이외에 롱아일랜드, 퀸스, 브루클린에서도 소규모 업소를 운영했으며 맨해튼 아파트에는 호화 시설을 갖추고 손님이 원하면 마약까지 제공하는 원스톱 서비스를 의미하는 '파티 팩'(party pack)이라는 상품을 팔았다.
또 윤 씨 등 3명의 여성은 서비스 제공 수준에 따라 매춘 여성들을 3개의 그룹으로 분리해 운영했고 그룹별로 매니저를 둬 고객 유치 역할을 맡기는 등 기업형 영업을 했다.
매춘 조직은 코카인을 '파티', '주얼리', '파우더', '수제비'등으로 지칭했고 술과 마약으로 정신을 잃은 손님의 신용카드를 무단으로 사용, 하룻밤에 1만 달러 이상을 청구하기도 했다.
수사 당국은 이 조직이 이런 수법으로 지난해에만 300만 달러를 벌었다고 밝혔다.
이 조직은 불법 행위로 얻은 수입을 세탁하기 위해 화장품, 가발, 옷, 택시 관련 업체인 것처럼 위장해 영업했다.
한인 조직은 인터넷 등을 통한 성매매 광고로 손님을 모았고 다음 달 2일 열리는 슈퍼볼을 앞두고는 단골손님에 '섹시하고 예쁜 새로운 여성들이 당신을 기다리고 있다'는 휴대전화 문자 메시지를 보내기도 했다.
에릭 슈나이더만 뉴욕주 법무장관은 "최근 11개월간 감시와 내사를 해왔다"면서 "슈퍼볼을 앞두고 조직의 움직임이 활발해져 증거를 포착했고 검거할 수 있었다"고 밝혔다.
체포된 용의자들은 유죄가 입증되면 8∼25년의 징역형을 받을 수 있는 것으로 알려졌다.
하지만, 뉴욕주 검찰은 성매매에 종사한 여성들을 피해자로 판단해 성매매 조직의 주인들만 처벌할 방침이다.
http://www.newsis.com/ar_detail/view.html?ar_id=NISX20140201_0012693803&cID=10506&pID=10500
뉴욕 검찰, 한인 매춘조직 ‘990아파트’ 적발 한인 16명 체포 충격
등록 일시 [2014-02-01 02:55:42] 최종수정 일시 [2014-02-01 03:07:55]
【뉴욕=뉴시스】노창현 특파원 = 뉴욕 맨해튼 한인타운을 근거지로 불법 성매매 행각과 마약 파티를 벌여온 기업형 한인 매춘 조직이 적발돼 충격을 주고 있다.
뉴욕주 검찰은 30일 맨해튼 34가의 성매매 조직을 급습해 윤모(41·여), 조모(41·여), 정모(40·여)씨와 마약 운반책 유모(34·남)씨를 비롯한 한인 16명 등 총 18명을 불법 성매매 및 알선, 돈세탁, 마약 유통 등의 혐의로 긴급 체포했다.
기소장에 따르면 매춘 조직은 주소지(990 6애버뉴)를 딴 일명 ‘990아파트’로 불려졌으며 윤모씨와 정모씨, 조모씨 등이 매춘 여성들을 3개의 그룹으로 분리, 운영해 왔다. 버터플라이그룹, 골드VIP그룹, 재키 그룹 등 서비스 수준에 따라 나눠진 가운데 매니저가 인터넷이나 전화를 통해 고객들을 유치하는 역할을 맡아 왔다.
매춘 조직은 맨해튼 한인타운을 중심으로 롱아일랜드와 퀸즈, 브루클린 일대까지 소규모 업소 등을 운영한 것으로 드러났다. 본거지인 맨해튼 990아파트는 럭셔리 시설을 갖추고 ‘파티 팩(Party Pack)’이라는 성매매와 마약을 연계한 패키지 서비스를 제공해 왔다.
이들은 코카인을 ‘수제비’, ‘주얼리’, ‘파우더’ 등으로 불렀으며 고객들이 술과 마약으로 정신을 잃으면 신용카드를 사용해 하룻밤에 1만 달러 이상을 청구하기도 한 것으로 밝혀졌다.
최근에는 슈퍼볼 시즌을 맞아 단골 고객들에게 ‘새로운 아가씨들이 대기하고 있다’는 전화 메시지를 보내는 등 적극적으로 호객 행위를 하기도 했다. 이들 조직은 무려 11개월 간 이어진 주 검찰과 뉴욕 시경의 치밀한 수사 끝에 일망타진됐다.
이들이 성매매와 마약 판매로 그간 벌어들인 돈은 최소 300만 달러에 달하는 것으로 추산되고 있다. 용의자들은 유죄가 입증될 경우 최소 8년에서 최고 25년형까지 받을 수 있다.
robin@newsis.com
http://www.ikoreatimes.com/Article/view.aspx?p=10&aid=32631
뉴욕 기업형 한인 마약·매춘조직 적발
2014-01-31 오전 5:00 Korea Times
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텍스트 보내 고객 유인, 돈세탁까지… 18명 체포
매춘에 마약 제공 및 돈 세탁까지 ‘패키지’로 불법 서비스를 제공해 온 기업형 한인 성매매 조직이 적발돼 충격을 주고 있다.
뉴욕주 검찰은 뉴욕 경찰국과 합동으로 뉴욕 맨해턴의 고층아파트에서 암약해 오던 성매매 조직을 급습, 조직을 운영해 온 한인 윤모(41·여), 조모(41·여), 정모(40·여)씨를 포함한 매춘 여성 13명과 마약 운반책인 유모(34·남)씨 등 총 18명을 불법 성매매 및 알선, 돈세탁, 마약유통 등의 혐의로 긴급 체포했다고 30일 밝혔다.
이들은 일명 990 아파트라고 불리는 본거지에 사치스런 접대공간을 꾸며놓고 마약 서비스도 가능한 일명 ‘파티팩을 제공해 왔으며, 롱아일랜드, 퀸즈, 브루클린 일대까지 소규모 업소 등을 곳곳에 운영해 온 것으로 드러났다.
이들은 주로 코케인을 지칭하는 말로 ‘파티’ ‘주얼리’ ‘파우더’ 등의 단어 외에도 ‘수제비’로 부르기도 한 것으로 수사 결과 드러났다.
이들은 주로 인터넷 광고사이트 등을 통한 노골적인 성매매 광고를 내보낸 후 전화가 걸려오는 손님에게 차량을 보내 고객을 끌어오는 수법을 써왔으며, 최근에는 이번 주말 ‘수퍼보울’ 시즌을 맞아 단골손님들에게 ‘새로운 아가씨들이 대기하고 있다’는 전화 메시지를 보내는 방식으로 호객행위를 해 온 것으로 드러났다.
이들 조직이 성매매와 마약판매로 그간 벌어들인 돈은 최소 300만달러에 달하는 것으로 추산되고 있다. 아울러 벌어들인 돈을 세탁하기 위해 이들 조직은 화장품, 가발, 옷, 택시관련 업체인 것처럼 위장해 영업했다고 주검찰은 밝혔다.
뉴욕주 검찰은 그러나 성매매에 종사한 여성들을 ‘피해자’로 판단해 성매매 조직의 주인들만 처벌할 방침이다.
http://munhwai.com/news/view.html?section=1&category=5&no=6245
뉴욕 검찰, 한인불법 마약 판매 및 매춘 조직 16명 체포'충격'
성매매와 마약 판매로 벌어들인 돈, 최소 300만 달러 추산
2014.02.01 21:42 입력
▲불법 성매매와 마약판매 및 돈세탁 등 행각을 벌여온 한인 매춘조직 일당들이 30일 경찰에 체포된 뒤 인정신문을 받기위해 수갑을 찬 채 법원으로 줄지어 이동하고 있다. /2014년1월30일 뉴욕포스트
▲뉴욕 주 에릭 쉬나이더맨 검찰청장(왼쪽)이 뉴욕 시 경찰국 필립 뱅크스 경찰청장이 매춘 및 불법 마약판매 관련 인물 조직도에 대해서 설명하는 것을 쳐다 보고 있다. /2014년1월30일 AP Photo
뉴욕 맨해튼 한인타운을 근거지로 불법 성매매 행각과 마약 파티를 벌여온 기업형 한인 매춘 조직이 적발돼 충격을 주고 있다.
뉴욕주 검찰은 30일 맨해튼 34가의 성매매 조직을 급습해 윤모(41·여), 조모(41·여), 정모(40·여)씨와 마약 운반책 유모(34·남)씨를 비롯한 한인 16명 등 총 18명을 불법 성매매 및 알선, 돈세탁, 마약 유통 등의 혐의로 긴급 체포했다.
기소장에 따르면 매춘 조직은 주소지(990 6애버뉴)를 딴 일명 ‘990아파트’로 불려졌으며 윤모씨와 정모씨, 조모씨 등이 매춘 여성들을 3개의 그룹으로 분리, 운영해 왔다. 버터플라이그룹, 골드VIP그룹, 재키 그룹 등 서비스 수준에 따라 나눠진 가운데 매니저가 인터넷이나 전화를 통해 고객들을 유치하는 역할을 맡아 왔다.
매춘 조직은 맨해튼 한인타운을 중심으로 롱아일랜드와 퀸즈, 브루클린 일대까지 소규모 업소 등을 운영한 것으로 드러났다. 본거지인 맨해튼 990아파트는 럭셔리 시설을 갖추고 ‘파티 팩(Party Pack)’이라는 성매매와 마약을 연계한 패키지 서비스를 제공해 왔다.
이들은 코카인을 ‘수제비’, ‘주얼리’, ‘파우더’ 등으로 불렀으며 고객들이 술과 마약으로 정신을 잃으면 신용카드를 사용해 하룻밤에 1만 달러 이상을 청구하기도 한 것으로 밝혀졌다.
최근에는 슈퍼볼 시즌을 맞아 단골 고객들에게 ‘새로운 아가씨들이 대기하고 있다’는 전화 메시지를 보내는 등 적극적으로 호객 행위를 하기도 했다. 이들 조직은 무려 11개월 간 이어진 주 검찰과 뉴욕 시경의 치밀한 수사 끝에 일망타진됐다.
이들이 성매매와 마약 판매로 그간 벌어들인 돈은 최소 300만 달러에 달하는 것으로 추산되고 있다. 용의자들은 유죄가 입증될 경우 최소 8년에서 최고 25년형까지 받을 수 있다.
한편 뉴욕 경찰 당국이 발표한 매춘 및 불법 마약 판매로 적발, 체포된 18명 명단은 다음과 같다.
토니 유 Tony Yoo, 34; 조셉 랜드럼 Jopseh Landrum, 32;
윤현옥Hyun Ok Yoon, 41; 영 옥 Young Ok, 38;
민경춘 Kyung Chun Min, 33; 안순이 Sun Lee Ahn, 56;
이영미 Young Mi Lee, 40; 문지영 Ji Young Moon, 40;
제니스 리 Janice Lee, 35; 전희정 Hee Jung Chern, 42;
권해밍Haiming Quan, 41; 조경빈Kyong Bin Cho, 44;
장희정Jung Hee Jang, 43; 조인숙In Suk Cho, 49;
이지영Ji Young Lee, 34; 장하나Hada Jang, 26;
김니나Nina Kim, 31; 하정 헤스 Hajoung Heath, 40.
▲뉴욕 시 경찰국 필립 뱅크스 경찰청장이 밝힌 불법 마약 판매 및 매춘과 관련된 일부 인물들(사진 위 아래)2014.1월30일 ABC 뉴스 화면 캡쳐
▲불법 마약 판매와 매춘을 가장해서 인터넷에 올린 광고문 일부/ 2014.1.30 NY PD
문화아이닷컴 webmaster@munhwai.com
Super Bowl:Cops Bust Cocaine And Sex Ring:The arrests after 11-month investigation
GlobalNewsLive
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Woman held in Vancouver over prostitution ring linked to N.Y. Super Bowl parties
http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/nyc-crime/bust-takes-operators-multimillion-dollar-drug-prostitution-ring-article-1.1596332
'One-stop shopping' drug and prostitution ring, Asian Wave Escorts, busted ahead of Super Bowl
Attorney General Eric Schneiderman's Organized Crime Task Force and the NYPD worked together for nearly year to investigate the ring, which specialized in drug and sex 'party packs.' The operators had apparently ramped up efforts as Super Bowl XLVIII approached.
BY JOSEPH STEPANSKY , ERIK BADIA , CORKY SIEMASZKO NEW YORK DAILY NEWS Published: Thursday, January 30, 2014, 8:00 AM Updated: Thursday, January 30, 2014, 11:34 PM A A A
CENSORED: Ad for busted escort service
TV Ad for escort service busted in a police raid last week.
A sophisticated Manhattan-based prostitution ring that offered "one-stop shopping" and delivered both drugs and debauchery was sacked just days before the Super Bowl.
"Always a treat and always fast to your door," Asian Wave Escorts promised in sexy come-ons broadcast on public access TV, sources said.
The ring was headed by a middle-aged madam named Hyun Ok Yoonung, a 41-year-old Korean immigrant who officials said is something of a legend in the flesh-peddling business.
"She was really the leader," Attorney General Eric Schneiderman said Thursday. "This is someone we've heard of from other criminals, really sort of admiring the scope of her enterprise. She's well known in this industry."
Code-named "Beige," the madam was arrested at her Long Island home while police were rounding up the 17 other alleged members of the ring in overnight raids.
NYC PAPERS OUT. Social media use restricted to low res file max 184 x 128 pixels and 72 dpi
DAVID HANDSCHUH/NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
Hyun Ok Yoonung was the alleged ringleader of the drug and prostitution ring that used phony companies to accept credit card payments. Attorney General Eric Schneiderman said the investigation leading to the sting, 'Operation Out of Bounds,' had been going on for a year.
“We have identified in the last year more than $3 million in credit card charges related to this enterprise," Schneiderman said. "Keep in mind that most johns pay cash, so that is a staggering number for an enterprise like this.”
In recent weeks, Schneiderman said, Hyun Ok Yoonung had been ramping-up to tap the wallets of “high rollers” bound for Sunday's big game.
“They had a huge increase in their text messages to people coming in from out of town, saying, 'We've updated our girls, new and sexy girls for you’,” said Schneiderman. “It was a very aggressive push.”
Several of the alleged hookers were nabbed when police used battering rams to burst into an apartment at 990 Sixth Ave. that is just blocks away from "Super Bowl Boulevard."
NYC PAPERS OUT. Social media use restricted to low res file max 184 x 128 pixels and 72 dpi
MARCUS SANTOS NEW YORK/DAILY NEWS
A man is led out of Manhattan's 7th Precinct in connection with an elaborate prostitution ring that was planning to blitz the Super Bowl with hookers.
The women, who also were mostly from Korea, serviced their johns in the single bedroom, where cocaine, crack pipes and Viagra was found, officials said.
“A one-stop shopping drug and prostitution ring,” Police Commissioner William Bratton called it.
One of the tenants in the Sixth Ave. building is The King's College, a Christian undergraduate university that houses some of its students there — and which had no idea it was a den of sin.
More "girls" were operating from an apartment at 207 E. 37th St., police said. And the nerve center of the operation was another pad at 148 E. 30th St.
This was one of the advertisements promoting Asian Wave Escorts, which offered drugs on top of sex.
This was one of the advertisements promoting Asian Wave Escorts, which offered drugs on top of sex.
Now some of the women in police custody are claiming they were forced into prostitution and are cooperating, sources said.
“They brought in new girls every three months," Schnidermann said.
The prostitutes identified in court papers were no spring chickens. They ranged in age from 26 to 56 and four of them were in their 40s.
They also weren’t just turning trucks. Sun Lee Ahn, the 56-year-old police dubbed Sarah, also allegedly booked dates and ferried drugs, sources said.
Ha Joung Heath (right), 40, in Manhattan court Thursday, allegedly led the 'Gold VIP group' in a one-stop shopping drug and prostitution ring.
JEFFERSON SIEGEL/NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
Ha Joung Heath (right), 40, in Manhattan court Thursday, allegedly led the 'Gold VIP group' in a one-stop shopping drug and prostitution ring.
The bust was the culmination of a yearlong probe by Schneiderman's Organized Crime Task Force and the NYPD dubbed "Operation out of Bounds."
The ring specialized in "party-packs," where johns were enticed to buy cocaine and other drugs to go along with the sex.
In some cases, authorities said, the greedy ring took advantage of wasted customers by charging them upward of $10,000 for a single booking.
Using undercover investigators, cops discovered that Hyun Ok Yoonung was running a sophisticated operation divided into three groups. She herself headed the "Butterfly Group," the complaint states.
NYC PAPERS OUT. Social media use restricted to low res file max 184 x 128 pixels and 72 dpi
MARCUS SANTOS NEW YORK/DAILY NEWS
Ten women were led out of the precinct ahead of their arraignment for allegedly participating in a sophisticated drug and sex operation.
Her chief co-conspirators were identified in the documents as Young Ok Tae, a 38-year-old code named "Tae," and Kyung Chun Min, 33, dubbed "Nicky" by cops.
The other alleged hooker bookers were identified as Young Mi Lee, 40, dubbed "Jasmine” by investigators, and In Suk Cho, 49, referred to as “HyoJung” in court papers.
The gang's "Gold VIP group" was led by Hajoung Heath, 40, aka "Dada." And the head of the "Jackie group" was identified as 44-year-old Kyong Bin Cho, aka “Jackie,” the papers state.
The drugs were allegedly supplied by 34-year-old Tony Yoo and Joseph Landrum, 32, the papers state.
NYC PAPERS OUT. Social media use restricted to low res file max 184 x 128 pixels and 72 dpi
DAVID HANDSCHUH/NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
Attorney General Eric Schneiderman said the ring ramped up promotions with mass texts announcing 'new sexy and beautiful girls' ahead of Super Bowl XLVIII.
"Cocaine was referred to as 'jewelry' or 'Soojaebi,' which is a Korean noodle and vegetables soup," said Schneiderman.
The arrested prostitutes were identified as: Young Mi Lee, 40, Jung Hee Jang, 43, Haiming Quan, 41, Nina Kim, 31, Hada Jang, 26, He Jung Chern, 42, Ji Young Moon, 40, and Janice Lee, 40.
All 18 are charged with conspiracy and several "underlying crimes," including narcotics sales, promoting prostitution and money laundering, the AG's office said.
Schneiderman said the flesh-peddlers rigged it so customers could pay by credit card.
"These people had a phony clothes wholesaler, a phony wig wholesaler, a limo service and a dating service that would show up on peoples credit card bills," Schnidermann said. "They used these businesses to hide their illegal transactions and launder millions of dollars in proceeds."
csiemaszko@nydailynews.com
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/british-columbia/woman-held-in-vancouver-over-prostitution-ring-linked-to-ny-super-bowl-parties/article16831821/
Woman held in Vancouver over prostitution ring linked to N.Y. Super Bowl parties
VIVIAN LUK
Vancouver — The Canadian Press
Published Wednesday, Feb. 12 2014, 3:24 PM EST
Last updated Wednesday, Feb. 12 2014, 5:43 PM EST
Comments closed
A South Korean woman wanted in the United States for her alleged involvement in a crime ring that sold drugs and prostitutes in New York City prior to the Super Bowl weekend was in detention after she was arrested at Vancouver’s airport, border officials confirmed Wednesday.
The Canada Border Services Agency confirmed officers arrested 44-year-old Kyong Bin (Jackie) Cho at Vancouver’s airport this past weekend. She was expected to be deported, though the exact timing of her removal wasn’t clear.
MORE RELATED TO THIS STORY
B.C. will not prosecute most prostitution related offences: Crown
Liberals in B.C. propose resolution legalizing prostitution at party’s next national convention
VIDEO
Video: Super Bowl sex ring suspect arrested in Vancouver
News of Cho’s arrest comes almost two weeks after U.S. authorities charged 18 people for allegedly running a crime ring that involved selling so-called party-packs of cocaine and prostitutes to people coming to New York City for the Super Bowl.
Canada Border Services Agency spokeswoman Amitha Carnadin said in an e-mailed statement that Cho allegedly fled the U.S. and arrived in Vancouver on Saturday, from Mexico. Officers then confirmed the woman is wanted on a number of felony charges.
Cho appeared before an Immigration and Refugee Board hearing on Tuesday. A board member found the woman “to have been involved for some time in a criminal organization that provided prostitutes and drugs to clients in the United States,” said Carnadin in the statement.
“These allegations were not disputed by Cho and as a result, the member found her to be inadmissible to Canada,” the email said. “She was issued a deportation order.”
Immigration and Refugee Board spokeswoman Melissa Anderson said the board considered Cho a flight risk and has ordered her to remain in custody until she is removed from the country.
New York Attorney-General Eric Schneiderman announced the police bust on Jan. 30.
At the time, he said in a news release that the charges against 18 people were the result of an 11-month undercover investigation. The charges include conspiracy, narcotics sales, promoting prostitution and money laundering.
Schneiderman said the crime ring allegedly made millions of dollars selling drugs and sex to wealthy out-of-towners coming to New York for the Super Bowl, which was played in neighbouring New Jersey.
The group is accused of laundering the proceeds through stores such as a clothing wholesaler, a wig wholesaler, a limousine service and a beauty supply wholesaler, Schneiderman said.
Schneiderman said the criminal activity was based in Manhattan, but spanned across Brooklyn, Long Island, Queens and into several other states.
Police alleged the crime ring advertised its business through the Internet, television and text messages. Code words for cocaine such as “party,” “jewelry” and “soo jae bi,” the name of a Korean noodle and vegetable soup, were used.
The Attorney-General’s Jan. 30 news release alleged the group sold packages that involved having prostitutes bring along cocaine.
“It was common practice for this ring to supply the johns with large quantities of drugs brought by one prostitute, and then once the john was impaired by the drugs, the ring would flood the room with additional prostitutes and repeatedly charge the john’s credit card, at times charging upward of (US)$10,000 for one night,” the news release said.
“Through its various front businesses, the ring would charge credit cards for legitimate goods and services that were not actually provided in order to disguise the fact that customers were actually paying for cocaine and sex.”
More than half of the 18 people charged have been arrested.
Follow us on Twitter: @GlobeBC
TOPICS:
http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2006/august/ny_prostitution081606
Halting Human Trafficking
31 Arrests in Major Prostitution Ring
08/16/06
An anti-trafficking poster in Korean is part of a Department of Health and Human Services campaign against human trafficking. Korean women were victimized in the prostitution network shut down this week..
An anti-trafficking poster in Korean is part
of a Department of Health and Human
Services campaign against human
trafficking. Korean women were victimized
in the prostitution network shut
down this week.
A 15-month investigation of a massive prostitution network based in New York and stretching from Rhode Island to Virginia culminated in the arrests Tuesday of 31 defendants in seven states and the District of Columbia, the FBI announced with officials from the Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement and the New York City Police Department.
The joint investigation uncovered an elaborate network of brothel owners, recruiters, and prostitutes—Korean émigrés smuggled into the U.S. and then into brothels. Investigators also found a network of money remitters, who transferred some prostitution proceeds overseas, and drivers, who delivered women between brothels—sometimes at great distances, such as two occasions last February when women were ferried from New York City to a prostitution business in D.C.
“Illegal prostitution is not a victimless crime,” Andrew Arena, special agent in charge of the criminal division of our New York City office, said during an August 16 press conference in New York. “The FBI is part of the apparatus in place to protect people, sometimes even from their own poor choices.”
Arena said the investigation began in May 2005 after an undercover probe of a prostitution business run by a Korean husband and wife in Queens, New York. Through court-authorized monitoring of the couple’s telephone conversations, investigators saw the reach of the conspiracy—recruiters in the U.S. and Korea were helping women get into the U.S., usually illegally; drivers met them at the airport or the border and then delivered them to brothels in New York, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, D.C., and Virginia.
A report by the Department of State earlier this year estimated that up to 2 million people are trafficked worldwide every year, with an estimated 15,000 to 18,000 in the U.S. Investigating human trafficking and other civil rights violations is one of the FBI’s top priorities. In many cases, prostitutes are forced into servitude by their recruiters to pay back the cost of passage out of their countries.
In this case, recruiters in Korea and the U.S. identified Korean women who wanted to come to the U.S., typically to make money to support their families. Recruiters arranged transportation, and in some cases provided the women with false passports and visas. Once in the U.S. and saddled with a large debt (usually in the tens of thousands of dollars), the women were transported to brothels—some that fronted as legitimate spas and massage parlors—where brothel owners or managers often confiscated their IDs and passports, making escape difficult.
“This is a reminder that large-scale human trafficking occurs every day, right in our own cities and neighborhoods,” said Michael J. Garcia, U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York.
The defendants, charged in the Eastern and Southern Districts of New York, face up to five years in prison for conspiracy charges and up to 10 years in prison for transporting women across state lines for prostitution.
http://nypost.com/2014/01/30/cops-bust-high-priced-super-bowl-prostitution-ring/
Madams busted in high-priced Super Bowl hooker ring
By Jamie Schram, Aaron Feis and Bob FredericksJanuary 30, 2014 | 7:30am
Modal Trigger
Madams busted in high-priced Super Bowl hooker ring
A group of alleged Super Bowl madams are brought into central booking in Manhattan on Thursday morning.
Photo: Steven Hirsch
MORE ON:
SUPER BOWL
Super Bowl to scrap Roman numerals for a year
Minneapolis awarded 2018 Super Bowl
Fox’s third-quarter results are 'Super'
NFL discusses moving Super Bowl from Arizona over 'anti-gay' law
Authorities took down a high-priced Asian prostitution ring that was hoping to cash in on the Super Bowl.
State Attorney General Eric Schneiderman’s investigators and the NYPD rounded up nine of the operation’s madams and a couple of drug dealers who supplied the hookers, just days before the big game.
“The ring has become much more active in the last two weeks, specifically seeking to capitalize on the excitement around the Super Bowl,” said one source.
“Not only did they cater to New Yorkers, but they also targeted those coming into NYC from out of town by sending text messages to prospective clients.”
Just days ago, ring members sent out a text blast to customers that read “new sexy & beautiful girls R in town waiting for u,” the AG said.
Seven more madams faced imminent arrest, he added.
Investigators were interviewing hookers who worked for the ring to determine if any were victims of human trafficking, he added.
The AG also warned potential johns to keep their zippers zipped.
“Better to get yourself in front of the TV, watch the game, have a couple of beers, stay out of trouble,” Schneiderman cracked.
Conversations caught on wiretaps revealed members using code names for cocaine, including “party,” “jewelry” and “soojaebi,” a Korean noodle soup.
Authorities said once a customer was zonked on booze or drugs, other hookers would fill his room, and the ring would bill the john’s credit card for $10,000 or more for multiple dates.
Deputy Inspector Anthony Favale said his vice unit also busted up a trio from Florida – which included a mom who had been pimping out her 15-year-old daughter — during an unrelated investigation in Manhattan hotel.
The Yolanda Ostoloza, 39,and her pal Tara Todd, 23, both Florida residents, were arrested and charged with endangering the welfare of a child and promoting prostitution, sources said. The male accomplice is still being sought by police.
'One-stop shopping' drug and prostitution ring, Asian Wave Escorts, busted ahead of Super Bowl
Attorney General Eric Schneiderman's Organized Crime Task Force and the NYPD worked together for nearly year to investigate the ring, which specialized in drug and sex 'party packs.' The operators had apparently ramped up efforts as Super Bowl XLVIII approached.
BY JOSEPH STEPANSKY , ERIK BADIA , CORKY SIEMASZKO NEW YORK DAILY NEWS Published: Thursday, January 30, 2014, 8:00 AM Updated: Thursday, January 30, 2014, 11:34 PM A A A
CENSORED: Ad for busted escort service
TV Ad for escort service busted in a police raid last week.
A sophisticated Manhattan-based prostitution ring that offered "one-stop shopping" and delivered both drugs and debauchery was sacked just days before the Super Bowl.
"Always a treat and always fast to your door," Asian Wave Escorts promised in sexy come-ons broadcast on public access TV, sources said.
The ring was headed by a middle-aged madam named Hyun Ok Yoonung, a 41-year-old Korean immigrant who officials said is something of a legend in the flesh-peddling business.
"She was really the leader," Attorney General Eric Schneiderman said Thursday. "This is someone we've heard of from other criminals, really sort of admiring the scope of her enterprise. She's well known in this industry."
Code-named "Beige," the madam was arrested at her Long Island home while police were rounding up the 17 other alleged members of the ring in overnight raids.
NYC PAPERS OUT. Social media use restricted to low res file max 184 x 128 pixels and 72 dpi
DAVID HANDSCHUH/NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
Hyun Ok Yoonung was the alleged ringleader of the drug and prostitution ring that used phony companies to accept credit card payments. Attorney General Eric Schneiderman said the investigation leading to the sting, 'Operation Out of Bounds,' had been going on for a year.
“We have identified in the last year more than $3 million in credit card charges related to this enterprise," Schneiderman said. "Keep in mind that most johns pay cash, so that is a staggering number for an enterprise like this.”
In recent weeks, Schneiderman said, Hyun Ok Yoonung had been ramping-up to tap the wallets of “high rollers” bound for Sunday's big game.
“They had a huge increase in their text messages to people coming in from out of town, saying, 'We've updated our girls, new and sexy girls for you’,” said Schneiderman. “It was a very aggressive push.”
Several of the alleged hookers were nabbed when police used battering rams to burst into an apartment at 990 Sixth Ave. that is just blocks away from "Super Bowl Boulevard."
NYC PAPERS OUT. Social media use restricted to low res file max 184 x 128 pixels and 72 dpi
MARCUS SANTOS NEW YORK/DAILY NEWS
A man is led out of Manhattan's 7th Precinct in connection with an elaborate prostitution ring that was planning to blitz the Super Bowl with hookers.
The women, who also were mostly from Korea, serviced their johns in the single bedroom, where cocaine, crack pipes and Viagra was found, officials said.
“A one-stop shopping drug and prostitution ring,” Police Commissioner William Bratton called it.
One of the tenants in the Sixth Ave. building is The King's College, a Christian undergraduate university that houses some of its students there — and which had no idea it was a den of sin.
More "girls" were operating from an apartment at 207 E. 37th St., police said. And the nerve center of the operation was another pad at 148 E. 30th St.
This was one of the advertisements promoting Asian Wave Escorts, which offered drugs on top of sex.
This was one of the advertisements promoting Asian Wave Escorts, which offered drugs on top of sex.
Now some of the women in police custody are claiming they were forced into prostitution and are cooperating, sources said.
“They brought in new girls every three months," Schnidermann said.
The prostitutes identified in court papers were no spring chickens. They ranged in age from 26 to 56 and four of them were in their 40s.
They also weren’t just turning trucks. Sun Lee Ahn, the 56-year-old police dubbed Sarah, also allegedly booked dates and ferried drugs, sources said.
Ha Joung Heath (right), 40, in Manhattan court Thursday, allegedly led the 'Gold VIP group' in a one-stop shopping drug and prostitution ring.
JEFFERSON SIEGEL/NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
Ha Joung Heath (right), 40, in Manhattan court Thursday, allegedly led the 'Gold VIP group' in a one-stop shopping drug and prostitution ring.
The bust was the culmination of a yearlong probe by Schneiderman's Organized Crime Task Force and the NYPD dubbed "Operation out of Bounds."
The ring specialized in "party-packs," where johns were enticed to buy cocaine and other drugs to go along with the sex.
In some cases, authorities said, the greedy ring took advantage of wasted customers by charging them upward of $10,000 for a single booking.
Using undercover investigators, cops discovered that Hyun Ok Yoonung was running a sophisticated operation divided into three groups. She herself headed the "Butterfly Group," the complaint states.
NYC PAPERS OUT. Social media use restricted to low res file max 184 x 128 pixels and 72 dpi
MARCUS SANTOS NEW YORK/DAILY NEWS
Ten women were led out of the precinct ahead of their arraignment for allegedly participating in a sophisticated drug and sex operation.
Her chief co-conspirators were identified in the documents as Young Ok Tae, a 38-year-old code named "Tae," and Kyung Chun Min, 33, dubbed "Nicky" by cops.
The other alleged hooker bookers were identified as Young Mi Lee, 40, dubbed "Jasmine” by investigators, and In Suk Cho, 49, referred to as “HyoJung” in court papers.
The gang's "Gold VIP group" was led by Hajoung Heath, 40, aka "Dada." And the head of the "Jackie group" was identified as 44-year-old Kyong Bin Cho, aka “Jackie,” the papers state.
The drugs were allegedly supplied by 34-year-old Tony Yoo and Joseph Landrum, 32, the papers state.
NYC PAPERS OUT. Social media use restricted to low res file max 184 x 128 pixels and 72 dpi
DAVID HANDSCHUH/NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
Attorney General Eric Schneiderman said the ring ramped up promotions with mass texts announcing 'new sexy and beautiful girls' ahead of Super Bowl XLVIII.
"Cocaine was referred to as 'jewelry' or 'Soojaebi,' which is a Korean noodle and vegetables soup," said Schneiderman.
The arrested prostitutes were identified as: Young Mi Lee, 40, Jung Hee Jang, 43, Haiming Quan, 41, Nina Kim, 31, Hada Jang, 26, He Jung Chern, 42, Ji Young Moon, 40, and Janice Lee, 40.
All 18 are charged with conspiracy and several "underlying crimes," including narcotics sales, promoting prostitution and money laundering, the AG's office said.
Schneiderman said the flesh-peddlers rigged it so customers could pay by credit card.
"These people had a phony clothes wholesaler, a phony wig wholesaler, a limo service and a dating service that would show up on peoples credit card bills," Schnidermann said. "They used these businesses to hide their illegal transactions and launder millions of dollars in proceeds."
csiemaszko@nydailynews.com
http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/british-columbia/woman-held-in-vancouver-over-prostitution-ring-linked-to-ny-super-bowl-parties/article16831821/
Woman held in Vancouver over prostitution ring linked to N.Y. Super Bowl parties
VIVIAN LUK
Vancouver — The Canadian Press
Published Wednesday, Feb. 12 2014, 3:24 PM EST
Last updated Wednesday, Feb. 12 2014, 5:43 PM EST
Comments closed
A South Korean woman wanted in the United States for her alleged involvement in a crime ring that sold drugs and prostitutes in New York City prior to the Super Bowl weekend was in detention after she was arrested at Vancouver’s airport, border officials confirmed Wednesday.
The Canada Border Services Agency confirmed officers arrested 44-year-old Kyong Bin (Jackie) Cho at Vancouver’s airport this past weekend. She was expected to be deported, though the exact timing of her removal wasn’t clear.
MORE RELATED TO THIS STORY
B.C. will not prosecute most prostitution related offences: Crown
Liberals in B.C. propose resolution legalizing prostitution at party’s next national convention
VIDEO
Video: Super Bowl sex ring suspect arrested in Vancouver
News of Cho’s arrest comes almost two weeks after U.S. authorities charged 18 people for allegedly running a crime ring that involved selling so-called party-packs of cocaine and prostitutes to people coming to New York City for the Super Bowl.
Canada Border Services Agency spokeswoman Amitha Carnadin said in an e-mailed statement that Cho allegedly fled the U.S. and arrived in Vancouver on Saturday, from Mexico. Officers then confirmed the woman is wanted on a number of felony charges.
Cho appeared before an Immigration and Refugee Board hearing on Tuesday. A board member found the woman “to have been involved for some time in a criminal organization that provided prostitutes and drugs to clients in the United States,” said Carnadin in the statement.
“These allegations were not disputed by Cho and as a result, the member found her to be inadmissible to Canada,” the email said. “She was issued a deportation order.”
Immigration and Refugee Board spokeswoman Melissa Anderson said the board considered Cho a flight risk and has ordered her to remain in custody until she is removed from the country.
New York Attorney-General Eric Schneiderman announced the police bust on Jan. 30.
At the time, he said in a news release that the charges against 18 people were the result of an 11-month undercover investigation. The charges include conspiracy, narcotics sales, promoting prostitution and money laundering.
Schneiderman said the crime ring allegedly made millions of dollars selling drugs and sex to wealthy out-of-towners coming to New York for the Super Bowl, which was played in neighbouring New Jersey.
The group is accused of laundering the proceeds through stores such as a clothing wholesaler, a wig wholesaler, a limousine service and a beauty supply wholesaler, Schneiderman said.
Schneiderman said the criminal activity was based in Manhattan, but spanned across Brooklyn, Long Island, Queens and into several other states.
Police alleged the crime ring advertised its business through the Internet, television and text messages. Code words for cocaine such as “party,” “jewelry” and “soo jae bi,” the name of a Korean noodle and vegetable soup, were used.
The Attorney-General’s Jan. 30 news release alleged the group sold packages that involved having prostitutes bring along cocaine.
“It was common practice for this ring to supply the johns with large quantities of drugs brought by one prostitute, and then once the john was impaired by the drugs, the ring would flood the room with additional prostitutes and repeatedly charge the john’s credit card, at times charging upward of (US)$10,000 for one night,” the news release said.
“Through its various front businesses, the ring would charge credit cards for legitimate goods and services that were not actually provided in order to disguise the fact that customers were actually paying for cocaine and sex.”
More than half of the 18 people charged have been arrested.
Follow us on Twitter: @GlobeBC
TOPICS:
http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2006/august/ny_prostitution081606
Halting Human Trafficking
31 Arrests in Major Prostitution Ring
08/16/06
An anti-trafficking poster in Korean is part of a Department of Health and Human Services campaign against human trafficking. Korean women were victimized in the prostitution network shut down this week..
An anti-trafficking poster in Korean is part
of a Department of Health and Human
Services campaign against human
trafficking. Korean women were victimized
in the prostitution network shut
down this week.
A 15-month investigation of a massive prostitution network based in New York and stretching from Rhode Island to Virginia culminated in the arrests Tuesday of 31 defendants in seven states and the District of Columbia, the FBI announced with officials from the Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement and the New York City Police Department.
The joint investigation uncovered an elaborate network of brothel owners, recruiters, and prostitutes—Korean émigrés smuggled into the U.S. and then into brothels. Investigators also found a network of money remitters, who transferred some prostitution proceeds overseas, and drivers, who delivered women between brothels—sometimes at great distances, such as two occasions last February when women were ferried from New York City to a prostitution business in D.C.
“Illegal prostitution is not a victimless crime,” Andrew Arena, special agent in charge of the criminal division of our New York City office, said during an August 16 press conference in New York. “The FBI is part of the apparatus in place to protect people, sometimes even from their own poor choices.”
Arena said the investigation began in May 2005 after an undercover probe of a prostitution business run by a Korean husband and wife in Queens, New York. Through court-authorized monitoring of the couple’s telephone conversations, investigators saw the reach of the conspiracy—recruiters in the U.S. and Korea were helping women get into the U.S., usually illegally; drivers met them at the airport or the border and then delivered them to brothels in New York, Rhode Island, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, D.C., and Virginia.
A report by the Department of State earlier this year estimated that up to 2 million people are trafficked worldwide every year, with an estimated 15,000 to 18,000 in the U.S. Investigating human trafficking and other civil rights violations is one of the FBI’s top priorities. In many cases, prostitutes are forced into servitude by their recruiters to pay back the cost of passage out of their countries.
In this case, recruiters in Korea and the U.S. identified Korean women who wanted to come to the U.S., typically to make money to support their families. Recruiters arranged transportation, and in some cases provided the women with false passports and visas. Once in the U.S. and saddled with a large debt (usually in the tens of thousands of dollars), the women were transported to brothels—some that fronted as legitimate spas and massage parlors—where brothel owners or managers often confiscated their IDs and passports, making escape difficult.
“This is a reminder that large-scale human trafficking occurs every day, right in our own cities and neighborhoods,” said Michael J. Garcia, U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York.
The defendants, charged in the Eastern and Southern Districts of New York, face up to five years in prison for conspiracy charges and up to 10 years in prison for transporting women across state lines for prostitution.
http://nypost.com/2014/01/30/cops-bust-high-priced-super-bowl-prostitution-ring/
Madams busted in high-priced Super Bowl hooker ring
By Jamie Schram, Aaron Feis and Bob FredericksJanuary 30, 2014 | 7:30am
Modal Trigger
Madams busted in high-priced Super Bowl hooker ring
A group of alleged Super Bowl madams are brought into central booking in Manhattan on Thursday morning.
Photo: Steven Hirsch
MORE ON:
SUPER BOWL
Super Bowl to scrap Roman numerals for a year
Minneapolis awarded 2018 Super Bowl
Fox’s third-quarter results are 'Super'
NFL discusses moving Super Bowl from Arizona over 'anti-gay' law
Authorities took down a high-priced Asian prostitution ring that was hoping to cash in on the Super Bowl.
State Attorney General Eric Schneiderman’s investigators and the NYPD rounded up nine of the operation’s madams and a couple of drug dealers who supplied the hookers, just days before the big game.
“The ring has become much more active in the last two weeks, specifically seeking to capitalize on the excitement around the Super Bowl,” said one source.
“Not only did they cater to New Yorkers, but they also targeted those coming into NYC from out of town by sending text messages to prospective clients.”
Just days ago, ring members sent out a text blast to customers that read “new sexy & beautiful girls R in town waiting for u,” the AG said.
Seven more madams faced imminent arrest, he added.
Investigators were interviewing hookers who worked for the ring to determine if any were victims of human trafficking, he added.
The AG also warned potential johns to keep their zippers zipped.
“Better to get yourself in front of the TV, watch the game, have a couple of beers, stay out of trouble,” Schneiderman cracked.
Conversations caught on wiretaps revealed members using code names for cocaine, including “party,” “jewelry” and “soojaebi,” a Korean noodle soup.
Authorities said once a customer was zonked on booze or drugs, other hookers would fill his room, and the ring would bill the john’s credit card for $10,000 or more for multiple dates.
Deputy Inspector Anthony Favale said his vice unit also busted up a trio from Florida – which included a mom who had been pimping out her 15-year-old daughter — during an unrelated investigation in Manhattan hotel.
The Yolanda Ostoloza, 39,and her pal Tara Todd, 23, both Florida residents, were arrested and charged with endangering the welfare of a child and promoting prostitution, sources said. The male accomplice is still being sought by police.
↧
sado lesson habuta
↧
sado lesson Cyakai
↧
↧
today's Korean comfort women,Sibaji, the surrogate mothers for Korean men
http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/society/society_general/220702.html
꽃가마 타고온 한국땅서 “난 씨받이로 이용 당했다”
등록 : 2007.07.06 08:03수정 : 2007.07.17 16:13툴바메뉴
스크랩
오류신고
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한국 남성과 결혼해 두 딸을 낳자마자 이혼당한 뒤 “아이를 낳는 도구로 이용당했다”며 서울가정법원에 양육권 청구 소송을 낸 베트남 여성 투하(24·가명)씨가 서울 ㄷ병원 정신과에서 우울증 치료를 받고 있다. 신소영 기자 viator@hani.co.kr
베트남서 시집 온 투하의 ‘고발장’
한 베트남 여성이 있다. 한국 남자와 결혼해 딸 둘을 낳고는 버림받은 투하(24·가명)씨. 그와의 두 차례 인터뷰, 서울 성동외국인근로자센터 상담 내용, 서울가정법원에 낸 소장 등을 토대로 그의 눈과 마음에 새겨진 2007년 한국의 모습을 재구성했다.
■ 20살=저는 베트남 남부 출신의 투하입니다. 24살에 벌써 딸이 2명이네요. 4년 전, 그러니까 2003년 8월이었지요. 한국 남자와 결혼한 마을 언니가 집으로 찾아왔습니다. 한국 남자를 소개시켜주겠다고 부모님께 말하더군요. 나이 40에 아내와 이혼한 남자라고 했습니다. 남자친구도 사귄 적이 없고, 결혼도 생각해 본 적 없었습니다. 하지만 한국 남자와 결혼해 행복하게 사는 친구들이 생각났습니다.
어머니는 걱정이 된 듯 “좋은 사람이냐, 믿을 수 있는 남자냐?”고 마을 언니에게 묻더군요. 언니는 “전 부인과 사이에 아이가 없어 사이가 안 좋았고, 최근에 이혼했지만 별거한 지는 한참됐다”고 했습니다. 며칠 뒤 ㅂ씨를 만났습니다. 한번밖에 안 봤는데 저와 결혼하고 싶다고 했습니다. 결혼 준비금이라며 1천달러를 줬습니다. 두달 뒤 혼인신고 때 그 사람 나이가 47살인 것을 알았죠.
스무살, 잘살게 되리란 꿈만 안고 왔는데…
전처와 이혼했다던 남편은 딸 둘 데리고 전처에게
전화번호도 집도 바꾼채 아이들과 함께 사라져
투하씨 양육권 청구소송…몇달째 정신과 치료
■ 21살=말은 안 통했지만 남편은 잘 해줬습니다. 한국에 온 며칠 뒤 남편은 사전의 단어를 짚어가며, “아기를 낳으면 집에 혼자 있어도 외롭지 않을 것”이라고 했습니다. 결혼한 지 한달만에 저는 아이를 가졌죠. 아이 낳을 날이 가까워지자 갑자기 남편이 “아이가 태어나면 미국에 사는 누나에게 보내겠다”고 했습니다. 나는 “절대 안 된다”고 했습니다. 그리고, 예쁜 딸을 낳았습니다. 어찌나 눈이 맑던지요.
퇴원해 집으로 왔는데 딸이 없었습니다. 미리 사놓은 아기옷, 젖병까지 사라졌죠. 휘청했습니다. “신생아라 병원에서 돌봐줘야 한다”고 둘러대던 남편은 “앞으로 시골 사는 누나에게 아기를 맡길 것”이라고 했습니다. “넌 나이가 어려 아기 키울 줄 모른다”면서요. 아기가 너무 보고 싶어 울었습니다. 그는 아무런 말도 없더군요.
두 달 동안 밥도 잘 못먹고 울기만 하자 남편은 저에게 “딸이 전처 집에 있다”는 말을 툭 던졌습니다. 전처와 21년 동안 살면서 아이가 없었답니다. ‘베트남 여자와 결혼해 아이를 낳은 뒤 돈을 쥐어주면 이혼도 해주고 양육권도 포기해준다’는 얘기를 들었다는 겁니다. 전처와 짜고 저를 속였다고 하더군요. 전처와 이혼한 지 한달만에 저를 만났다는 말도 들었습니다. 기가 찼습니다.
“우리 집이 비록 가난하지만 돈 받고 아이를 버리는 짓은 절대 안한다”고 말해줬습니다. 남편은 “첫 딸은 전처한테 준다 생각하고 아기를 더 낳아서 행복하게 살자”고 했습니다. 딱 잘라 거절했습니다. 자식을 어떻게 남에게 주나요. 고소하고 싶었지만 한국말도 못하고, 아는 사람도 없었죠. 남편은 저에게 정이 많이 들었다며 위로해줬습니다. 저 역시 남편이 첫 남자였고, 정도 들었죠. 딸을 낳은 석달 뒤 둘째아이가 생겼습니다.
한국 남성과 결혼해 두 딸을 낳자마자 이혼당한 뒤 베트남 여성 투하(24·가명)씨. 신소영 기자 viator@hani.co.kr
■ 22살=둘째를 가진 지 8개월이 넘었을 때 남편은 “계약이 끝나 집을 비워줘야 한다”고 했습니다. 집을 전처 이름으로 계약해 자기는 아무 것도 할 수 없다나요. 전처가 이혼 전 모든 재산을 자신의 명의로 돌려놨다고 하더군요. 남편이 자기를 버릴 수 없도록 하기 위해서랍니다. 전처는 남편에게 저와 이혼하지 않으면 집도, 돈도 없는 형편으로 만들겠다고 말했답니다. 남편은 재산을 잃을 수 없어 전처와 재결합하겠다고 했습니다. 돈이 있어야 저와 아이들을 돌볼 수 있다고 했습니다. 사랑한다고, 버리지 말라고 애원했지만 남편은 이혼만을 요구했습니다. “둘째아이는 베트남에서 낳는 조건으로 이혼해 주겠다”고 했지만 그것마저 들어주지 않았습니다. 남편은 “이혼 뒤 베트남에 잠깐 쉬었다 오면, 전처와 결혼해 돈을 찾고 집도 사주고 아기도 보내주겠다”고 했습니다.
2005년 7월 너무 예쁜 둘째아이가 태어났습니다. 1주일 뒤 남편은 “이혼하자”고 하더군요. 한 없이 냉정했습니다. 눈물이 났습니다. 남편은 “앞으로도 챙겨주고 아이들도 만나게 해주겠다”고 약속했고, 그 말을 믿은 저는 이혼 법정에 섰습니다. 남편은 이혼한 지 20여일 만에 전처와 다시 결혼했더군요. 이혼 한 달 뒤 첫째딸을 만날 수 있었습니다. 그게 마지막이었죠. 그 뒤 남편은 전화번호도, 집도 바꾼 채 아이들과 함께 사라졌습니다. 저는 만나볼 수 없는 두 딸을 둔 엄마입니다. 김남일 기자 namfic@hani.co.kr / 사진 신소영 기자 viator@hani.co.kr
http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/society/society_general/220700.html
아이들 빼앗아간 남편 “돈으로 보상했다”
등록 : 2007.07.06 07:58툴바메뉴
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베트남서 시집 온 투하의 ‘고발장’
형사처벌 법적 근거 없어…손해배상·양육자 변경 청구 소송만
투하씨 몇달째 정신과 치료
투하씨는 지난달 7일 서울가정법원에 두 딸의 양육권을 요구하는 소송을 냈다. 변호를 맡은 공익변호사그룹 공감의 소라미 변호사는 “대리모도 인정되지 않는 상황에서 피고들은 나이 어린 베트남 여성을 2세 출산을 위한 도구, ‘씨받이’로 이용했다”며 “처벌할 수 있는 법적 근거가 없어 민사상 손해배상 청구와 양육자 변경 청구만을 했다”고 말했다.
지난 1일 저녁 만난 투하씨의 전 남편 ㅂ씨는 “속이고 결혼한 것은 맞지만, 금전적으로 충분히 보상을 했고 투하의 집에서도 흡족해 했다”고 말했다. ㅂ씨는 “투하가 한국에 온 지 3~4일쯤 지나 내가 ‘사실은 아이를 낳기 위해 결혼했다. 아이를 낳아주는 조건으로 돈을 주겠다’는 뜻을 전달했다”며 “투하가 베트남 부모에게 전화를 걸어 상의한 뒤 그렇게 하기로 결정했다”고 말했다. 그는 “첫째아이를 낳은 뒤 1만달러를 줬다”며 “재산을 전처 명의로 돌려놓은 사실도 없으며, 투하가 이혼 뒤 계속해서 돈을 요구했다”고 말했다.
하지만 3일 밤 서울 성동외국인근로자센터에서 만난 투하씨는 “아니에요. 아니에요”라며 강하게 고개를 저었다. 투하는 “결혼 뒤 베트남에 갔다올 때 남편이 용돈으로 몇백달러는 준 적 있지만, 아기 낳고 돈을 받거나 요구한 적이 없다”고 말했다. 그는 이혼 뒤 베트남으로 떠나기 전 ㅂ씨가 준 2만달러도 “더러운 돈”이라며 거절했지만, ㅂ씨가 “부모님에게 주는 돈”이라고 해 받았다고 했다. 2만달러는 여전히 통장에 그대로 있다고 했다.
투하씨는 지난 3월부터 서울 ㄷ병원 정신과에서 우울증 치료를 받고 있다. 담당 의사는 “우울증이 심하면 사람들을 못 믿고 스스로를 바보라고 생각하게 된다”며 “현재 상태가 심각하지만 3개월 이상 꾸준히 치료를 받으면 나을 수 있다”고 말했다.
서울 마장동의 한 봉제공장에 출근해 밤 9시께까지 일한다는 투하는 아이들을 되찾으면 한국에서 기를 생각이다. “딸들이 엄마를 닮았냐”는 질문에 그는 “얼굴 몰라요, 기억 안나요”라며 울었다. 김남일 기자
http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/society/society_general/220701.html
결혼중개소 ‘거짓 정보’에 속아 경제적·성적 착취 늘어
등록 : 2007.07.06 08:00툴바메뉴
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2006년 외국인 여성과의 혼인 건수
베트남서 시집 온 투하의 ‘고발장’
지난해 한국 남성과 결혼한 외국인 여성은 3만208명이다. 문제는 ‘인신매매성 국제결혼’도 더불어 늘고 있다는 점이다. 피해자는 대부분 동남아시아 여성들로, 피해 유형은 △폭력 △성적 학대 △인격 모독 △유기 △국적취득 신청기피 등 다양하다. 최근에는 투하씨처럼 ‘거짓 정보’에 속아 경제적·성적 착취를 당하는 경우가 늘고 있다.
중국인 김옥자(27·가명)씨는 결혼중개업체 소개로 남편 윤아무개(31)씨를 만났다. 남편이 너무 말이 없어 중개업체에 물었더니 “내성적이고 수줍음이 많다”고 했다. 그 말을 믿고 결혼해 한국에 와보니 남편은 정신지체장애 3급으로 경제적 능력이 전혀 없었다.
권미주 한국이주여성인권센터 사무국장은 “대부분 결혼중개업체들은 한국 남성의 경제력을 일부러 부풀린다”며 “특히 남편의 장애 사실을 알려주지 않은 채 결혼을 성사시키는 피해 사례가 늘어나고 있다”고 말했다. 김남일 기자
↧
the record of Joseon missions to Japan in 1711
http://webarchives.tnm.jp/dlib/detail/100
QA-1471
朝鮮信使来聘記録
ちょうせんしんしらいへいきろく
詳細
員数
1冊
時代
成立年代不明; 江戸時代・万延2年(1861)写
寸法
23.5×15.6
形状
袋綴
解題
正徳元年(1711)に来朝した朝鮮通信使に関する記録。
奥書から万延2年(1861)に京都天龍寺妙智院の蔵書から書写されたことが分かる。
対馬で外交事務を行っていた以酊庵へは天龍寺からも僧侶が派遣されていたので、このような記録が同寺に残されたのであろう。
通信使の名簿や禁制、船の大きさや通信使が着用していた衣服などが記されている。特に通信使持参の道具や楽隊の楽器は絵入りで記されている。
QA-1471
朝鮮信使来聘記録
ちょうせんしんしらいへいきろく
詳細
員数
1冊
時代
成立年代不明; 江戸時代・万延2年(1861)写
寸法
23.5×15.6
形状
袋綴
解題
正徳元年(1711)に来朝した朝鮮通信使に関する記録。
奥書から万延2年(1861)に京都天龍寺妙智院の蔵書から書写されたことが分かる。
対馬で外交事務を行っていた以酊庵へは天龍寺からも僧侶が派遣されていたので、このような記録が同寺に残されたのであろう。
通信使の名簿や禁制、船の大きさや通信使が着用していた衣服などが記されている。特に通信使持参の道具や楽隊の楽器は絵入りで記されている。
↧
the Imperial Japan's curse piles were knocked for bad feng shui
http://news.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2013/09/27/2013092702422.html
[Why][김두규 교수의 國運風水(국운풍수)] 조선의 精氣 끊으려던 日帝 쇠말뚝의 또 다른 진실
우석대 교양학부 교수
기사100자평(54) 크게 작게
입력 : 2013.09.28 03:03
日帝의 쇠말뚝
"조선침략 위한 측량…山 숭배하는 韓·中·日자연 함부로 훼손 안 해"
이여송도 조선에 박았다?"
임진왜란 때 조선 구한恩人으로 칭송 받아…40개 넘는 地脈 끊었다고?그는 가본 적도 없는 곳"
'일본놈들'은 정말로 쇠말뚝을 박았을까? 오랫동안 필자는 전국의 '쇠말뚝'현장을 답사하였다. '이여송이 맥을 잘랐다'는 것과 '일본놈들의 쇠말뚝'이야기가 많았다. 왜 쇠말뚝을 박을까? '산의 파괴는 인간의 비극(山破人悲·산파인비)'이라는 풍수설 때문이다.
'쇠말뚝(鐵�·철익)'이란 말을 맨 처음 꺼낸 이는 조선의 학자군주 정조임금이었다. 사연은 고려 공민왕까지 거슬러 올라간다.
당시 공민왕은 기울어져 가는 원나라를 버리고 새로이 개국한 명나라 주원장과 관계를 튼다. 이에 주원장은 1370년(공민왕 19년) 도사 서사호(徐師昊)를 고려에 파견하여 명산대천의 신령들에게 제사를 지내게 한다. 이유는 간단하였다. '고려가 명에 복속된 만큼 천자가 산천에 제사를 지냄에 고려의 산천 또한 빼놓을 수 없기 때문'이었다. 그 당시 주원장은 원나라를 북쪽으로 몰아내고 새로운 나라를 세웠지만, 천하를 완전히 평정한 것이 아니었다. 원의 사위국인 고려를 함부로 할 수 없어 주원장은 초기에 고려와 공민왕에게 매우 호의적이었다. 제후국의 산천에 제사를 지내는 것은 나라를 세운 천자로서 관례였다. 쇠말뚝을 박을 상황이 아니었다. 그러나 공민왕은 도사 파견에 '압승술(壓勝術·주술을 쓰거나 주문을 외어 음양설에서 말하는 화복을 누르는 일)'을 쓰지 않을까 두려워한다.
'경기도 안양 삼막사에서 발견된 일제 혈침 추정 쇠말뚝 2개'라는 제목으로 보도된 2009년 12월 10일 사진
'경기도 안양 삼막사에서 발견된 일제 혈침 추정 쇠말뚝 2개'라는 제목으로 보도된 2009년 12월 10일 사진 / 뉴시스
그로부터 15년이 지난 1385년(우왕 11년)의 일이다. 이때는 공민왕의 피살, 고려와 원의 관계 복원 움직임 등으로 명나라와는 매끄럽지가 못했다. 명나라가 사신 장보(張溥)를 보내 서사호가 세운 비(개경 남쪽 陽陵井·양릉정에 위치)를 확인하게 한다. 비석이 세워진 뒤 병란, 수재, 한발 등이 잇따르자 고려 조정은 비를 넘어뜨려 버렸다. '압승비(碑)'때문이라고 의심한 것이다. 이 소문이 명나라까지 전해지자 장보로 하여금 확인케 한 사건이다. 그로부터 400여년이 지난 1797년 정조 임금은 "서사호가 단천 현덕산에 다섯 개의 쇠말뚝을 박고 떠난 이후 북관(北關)에 인재가 나오지 않는다"는 '쇠말뚝 단맥설'을 꺼낸 것이다. 그러나 서사호는 맥을 자르지 않았다.
물론 실제로 지맥을 자른 크고 작은 사건들이 있었다. 전주시 금상동에는 회안대군 이방간의 무덤이 있다. 회안대군은 2차 왕자의 난에서 동생이자 훗날 태종이 된 이방원에게 패한 인물이다. 그는 전주에서 유배 생활을 하다가 이곳에 묻힌다. 문제는 그 자리가 '늙은 쥐가 밭으로 내려오는 형국(老鼠下田形·노서하전형)'의 길지였다는 점이다. 나중에 이를 안 이방원은 산에 뜸을 놓고 맥을 자르게 하였다. 지금도 그 흔적 일부를 확인할 수 있다. 이후 회안대군 후손들은 자신들이 '호미 자루를 쥐고 살 수밖에 없었다'고 믿게 된다. 맥이 잘린 것은 사실이다. 그러나 길지 자체가 파괴되지는 않았다. 지금도 호남의 길지로 소문이 나서 찾는 이들이 끊이지 않는다.
조선 땅에 또 쇠말뚝을 박은 이들은 누구일까? 이여송(李如松)과 일본인들이 '주범(主犯)'으로 알려져 있다. 이여송은 누구인가? 조선의 후예로서 명나라의 명문가였다. 아버지 이성량은 명나라를 지켜주는 동북(요동)지방의 최대 군벌이었다. 아들 이여송이 조선에 출병할 때 "조상의 고향이니 구원에 힘쓰라"고 할 정도였다.
그는 1593년 1월 평양성을 탈환하였다. 하지만 벽제관 전투에서 패하여 평양으로 후퇴하였다가 그 해 9월에 귀국한다(이상은 '明史·명사'의 기록이다). 반면 '조선왕조실록'은 이여송이 1593년 5월 문경까지 내려갔다가 9월에 귀국한 것으로 기록한다(이여송이 직접 출전하지 않고 그 휘하 부대가 문경까지 갔을까?). 확실한 것은 그가 조선에 머문 것은 1년이 채 안 된 짧은 기간이었다는 점이다. 이여송에 대한 조선 조정의 태도는 어떠했을까. 조선을 재건시켜 준 '재조조선(再造朝鮮)'의 은인이었다. 심지어 평양에 생사당을 세워 그를 기렸고, 조선이 멸망할 때까지 그 후손을 챙겼다(이여송은 조선에서 琴·금씨 여인을 취해 후손을 남겼다). 그러한 이여송이 조선의 맥을 잘랐다는 것이다. 서길수(서경대) 교수는 '이여송이 강원, 충청, 전라, 경상도 등에서 40개 이상의 지맥을 자른 것'으로 조사하였다('풍수침략사 연구시론'). 이여송이 밟지 않은 지역들이다.
조선의 후예로 명나라의 요동지방 군벌에 올라 임진왜란에 참전한 장군 이여송의 초상화
조선의 후예로 명나라의 요동지방 군벌에 올라 임진왜란에 참전한 장군 이여송의 초상화 / 일본 덴리대학교 제공
전라북도 전주시 덕진구 금상동에 있는 회안대군 이방간의 묘.
전라북도 전주시 덕진구 금상동에 있는 회안대군 이방간의 묘. 이방간은‘2차 왕자의 난’때 태종 이방원에게 패배한 뒤 유배 생활을 하다 여기에 묻혔다. 이 묏자리 가 길지임을 안 태종은 산에 뜸을 놓아 맥을 자르게 했 다고 한다. /안전행정부 한국지역진흥재단 제공
'일본놈들의 쇠말뚝'설은 또한 어떠한가? 곳곳에 그러한 전설이 전해진다. 부분적으로 개연성이 있는 곳도 있다. 그런데 쇠말뚝의 입지나 유형들이 너무 다르다. 일제가 전국적 차원에서 조직적으로 저질렀다고 보기 어렵다. 다음 두 가지 이유에서이다.
첫째, 19세기 후반 조선을 침략하기 위해 주변 열강들이 가장 먼저 한 것이 측량이다. 1875년 운요호사건(雲揚號事件)도 일본의 조선 연안 측량에서 비롯된다. 1895년에는 일본은 200명 이상의 측량사를 보내 전국을 측량한다. 이에 대한 반발로 많은 조선인이 희생된다. 1912년 일제가 삼각측량 실시에 즈음하여 시달한 주의사항 가운데 "삼각점 표석 밑에 마귀를 묻었기 때문에 재액이 닥쳐올 것이라는 유언비어에 속지 말 것"이라는 내용이 눈에 띈다.
이후 측량사업은 식민지 건설(도로·철도·신도시 등)로 더욱더 빈번해질 수밖에 없었고 나라를 빼앗긴 이들의 입장에서 '마귀를 묻었다'고 오인하였다. 특히 조상 산소 뒷산에 삼각점이 박힐 경우 '쇠말뚝'으로 여겨 분노를 자아내기에 충분하였다.
둘째, 한·중·일 삼국 모두 산악숭배사상이 지대하여 명산대천을 함부로 하지 않았다. 벼슬을 내리고 제사를 지냈다. 800만 이상의 신을 상정(想定)하는 일본도 마찬가지다. 신이 계시고(神の坐す), 신이 강림하고(神が降り立つ), 혼이 소생하는(魂が蘇る) 곳이 바로 산이다. 명나라가 고려를 속국으로 할 때 그 산천에 제사를 모셨듯, 이미 일본 땅이 되어버린 조선의 산천을 함부로 하지 않았다. 영산으로 알려진 곳에 그들의 신사를 지어 신성시하였다.
결국, 쇠말뚝 이야기는 나라를 빼앗긴 자의 '주인 의식 결여와 피해 의식'의 산물이다. 지금은 어떠한가? 전국의 영산 정상마다 수십 미터 높이의 육중한 송수신 탑이 무수하다. 더 큰 쇠말뚝이다. 굴착기를 동원하여 산을 평지로 만드는 것은 식전 해장거리도 안 된다. 더 큰 맥 자르기이다. 흐르는 강물을 막고, 산줄기를 무 자르듯 하여 생태계를 교란시킨다. '이여송·일본놈 쇠말뚝'에 분노하는 이들 가운데 정작 이것을 우려하는 이는 드물다. 이 또한 자기 땅을 소중히 여기지 않는 주인 의식의 결여 아닌가?
[출처] 본 기사는 조선닷컴에서 작성된 기사 입니다
帰って来た仕事コナカッタ元声優φ ★ : 2013/09/30(月) 18:49:46.74 ID:???
■朝鮮の精気切ろうとしていた日帝の鉄杭、もう一つの真実
「日本人ども(イルボンノム)」は本当に鉄杭を打ち込んだのだろうか? 永らく筆者は全国の「鉄杭」現場を現地調査した。「李如松(訳注:文禄の役の際の明軍の将軍)が脈を切った」という話と「日本人どもの鉄杭」という話が多かった。<中略(李如松説について)>
では「日本人どもの鉄杭」説はどうだろう。あちこちでそうした伝説が伝えられている。部分的に可能性がある所もあるが、鉄杭の位置や形がかなり違っているう。日帝が全国レベルで組織的に犯した見るのは難しい。以下2つの理由からだ。
まず第一に、19世紀後半に朝鮮侵略のため周辺列強が一番最初にしたのが測量だ。1875年の雲揚号事件も日本の朝鮮沿岸測量から始まった。1895年には日本は200人以上の測量士を送って全国を測量する。これに対する反発から多くの朝鮮人が犠牲になった。1912年に日帝が三角測量実施の際に示達した注意事項の中には、「三角点の標石の下に邪鬼を埋めたので災厄が迫ってくる、というデマにだまされないこと」という内容が目につく。
その後、測量事業は植民地建設(道路・鉄道・新都市など)で一層頻繁になったが、国を奪われた人々は「邪鬼を埋めた」と誤認した。特に先祖の墓の裏山に三角点が打ち込まれた場合、「鉄杭」と感じて怒りを呼び起こすのに充分だった。
第二に、韓中日の3国とも山岳崇拝思想が強く、名山大河を疎かにしなかった。位階を授与して儀式を行った。八百万以上の神を想定する日本も同じだ。「神の坐す」「神が降り立つ」「魂が蘇る」場所こそ山だ。
明が高麗を属国にした際にその山河で儀式をしたように、既に日本の土地となった朝鮮の山河を疎かにしなかった。霊山として知らされた場所には彼らの神社を作って神聖視した。結局、鉄杭の話は国を奪われた者の「主人意識欠如と被害意識」の産物だ。<後略> -- 金ドゥギュ/又石大学教養学部教授
▽ソース:朝鮮日報(韓国語)(2013.09.28 03:03)
165 :<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん :2013/09/30(月) 20:24:03.82 ID:eCHKaaUY
>>1
>日本人どもの心で見れば朝鮮民族抹殺の鉄杭と考えられる
期待に沿えず人口を増やしてしまってごめんなさいw
医師の数 (1912-1943)
http://blog-imgs-44-origin.fc2.com/y/e/o/yeoksa/05welfare_doctor1912-1943.jpg
感染症患者の死亡率(1919-1943)
http://blog-imgs-44-origin.fc2.com/y/e/o/yeoksa/05health_infection1919-1943.jpg
人口 (1911-1943)
http://blog-imgs-44-origin.fc2.com/y/e/o/yeoksa/02population_population1911-1943.jpg
児童保護事業 (1926-1943)
http://blog-imgs-44-origin.fc2.com/y/e/o/yeoksa/05aid_child_protection1926-1943.jpg
知ってはならない日帝時代の真実 (韓国語)
日帝時代の統計資料
http://yeoksa.blog.fc2.com/?tag=%ED%86%B5%EA%B3%84%EC%9D%BC%EB%9E%8C
http://u1sokuhou.ldblog.jp/archives/50387360.html
「韓国政府の公式地図の非常識極まる捏造改竄が発覚」 大韓民国全図の出鱈目さ加減が自白される
0拍手
1:Johnnyφ ★:2012/11/20(火) 18:36:20.09 ID:???
韓国全図の電子版配布へ 独島を正しい位置に表記
【ソウル聯合ニュース】韓国国土海洋部の国土地理情報院は20日、国土を立体的に表した大韓民国全図と縮尺25万分の1の地形図の電子版を作成し、年末からホームページで配布すると明らかにした。
従来の大韓民国全図では、陸地から遠い独島や離於島(中国名:蘇岩礁)、可居礁(日向礁)の位置を便宜上、実際より陸寄りに表記していたが、新地図では正しい位置に表記した。また、独島には先ごろ制定した東島と西島の峰の公式地名「于山峰」「大韓峰」も表記し、領有権を明確にした。地形の標高や起伏を色の濃淡や陰影で表現し、立体的な地図に仕上げている。
聯合ニュース (朝鮮日報日本語版)
http://www.chosunonline.com/site/data/html_dir/2012/11/20/2012112002241.html
2:Johnnyφ ★:2012/11/20(火) 18:37:02.00 ID:???
独島・離於島の位置を正確に表記した電子地図発行
国土海洋部(省に相当)は独島(日本名:竹島)と離於島(中国名:蘇岩礁)の位置を正確に表記した電子地図を発行した、と20日発表した。
同部は韓国の国土を立体的に表現した大韓民国全図と縮尺25万分の一の地形図をそれぞれ電子地図として制作、今年末から供給する。
カン・セフン記者
NEWSIS/朝鮮日報日本語版
http://www.chosunonline.com/site/data/html_dir/2012/11/20/2012112001502.html
3:<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2012/11/20(火) 18:37:41.80 ID:qk0pt6kI
便宜上ってw
地図の書き方も知らなかったのか、すげーよ
7:Johnnyφ ★:2012/11/20(火) 18:40:05.91 ID:???
★Johnny's memo★
海洋情報部 韓国の航海用電子海図(ENC)について (注意喚起)
今般、韓国が刊行している九州沿岸のENC( KR3G3G00, KR3G3K00)に、以下のとおり航海安全上危険を及ぼすようなデータが多々存在することが判明しました。
韓国の水路当局に対しては既に連絡を行っているところですが、同海域の航海には我が国
刊行のENCを使用していただくようお願いします。
○韓国刊行ENCの九州沿岸地形等(白い線)は、日本測地系と推定され、南南東に約500mずれています。
ENCの場合はGPSによる絶対位置を表示するため、海図情報が全体にずれていることは非常に危険です。
○現状の地形と異なっています。
ひびきコンテナターミナル及び白島石油備蓄基地が記載されていないなど、地形が著しく現状と相違しており危険です。
○灯台の明弧が逆転していたり、航路標識情報に誤りがあったり、著しく現状と相違しており危険です。
○浅所や障害物の情報が現状と相違しており危険です。
海上保安庁海洋情報部 更新日2009年2月4日
http://warp.ndl.go.jp/info:ndljp/pid/259973/www1.kaiho.mlit.go.jp/KOKAI/ZUSHI3/cation/cation.html
21:<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2012/11/20(火) 18:49:01.94 ID:t9lhibC5
……ちょっと何言ってるかわからない。
この国は本当に2012年か?
30:<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2012/11/20(火) 18:55:03.72 ID:KbfX5nRF
>>21
測位や作図に関しては1950年代の日本以下です
測量点の杭に関しては日帝の呪いと言って片っ端から抜いてるので
いずれ自国の地図さえ作れなくなる退化国家です
23:<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2012/11/20(火) 18:50:03.61 ID:SW3YJMn+
最初から正確な距離が求められるかすら怪しいw
韓国は地図衛星って飛ばせたんだっけ?
26:<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2012/11/20(火) 18:52:01.87 ID:V9TAGqjE
>>23
っていうか韓国に独自の水準点がないw
33: ◆65537KeAAA :2012/11/20(火) 18:55:50.79 ID:zy5TjS4f
独自の水準点はあるよ!
ただソレを信じると、なぜか赤道直下にあることになるけど
http://japanese.donga.com/srv/service.php3?biid=2006042103768
社説
[社説]「でたらめな基準、生半可な統計」で先進国を夢見るのか
APRIL 21, 2006 02:59
음성듣기
建設交通部傘下の国土地理情報院が管理する水準点や三角点など、いわゆる国家基準点がミスだらけだと監査院が指摘した。特定地点の海抜を示す水準点は、全国の約6000ヵ所に表示してあるが、そのうち60%は紛失状態で、残りのものもでたらめが多いと言う。これらの水準点に従って、釜山(プサン)と巨済(コジェ)をつなぐ橋を作ろうとしたら、中間部分で橋脚が1メートルも違ってしまうと言う、ぞっとするような話だ。
特定場所の緯度と軽度を書いて位置を知らせる三角点にも間違いが多い。地理情報院の表記通り計算すると、江原道鉄原郡葛末面(カンウォンド・チョルウォングン・ガルマルミョン)は地中海に、京畿利川市(キョンギ・イチョンシ)は西海に、全南麗水市華井面(チョンナム・ヨスシ・ファジョンミョン)は赤道にある。
地理情報院は1997年から衛星航法システムを利用して、全国2万2000ヵ所の三角点と水準点を新たに測定し、表記を見直してきたというのに、その結果がこんなだととは。今まで、国民の税金を297億ウォンもかけて何の修正作業をしてきたというのか。大規模建設事業が間違った国家基準点に基づいて進められているとなると、手抜きと浪費は避けられない。
政府の間違った統計も、誤った政策につながるのは同じだ。住宅保有統計さえ建設交通部は1252万世帯、行政自治部は1673万世帯、韓国銀行は1530万世帯だと発表する国だ。最大421万世帯もばらつきがある統計を適当に活用して樹立した住宅政策と金融政策に、果たして整合性と的実性があると言えるのだろうか。
政府の税収推計はほとんど合ったことがなく、間違っているのが当然のようになってしまった。非正規職勤労者の統計を間違えて発表して労働部長官が謝罪し、行政自治部は「総人工の上位1%が私有地の51%を占めている」とし、赤ん坊まで含めて誇張された生半可な統計を発表して、統計庁の指摘を受けたこともある。
でたらめな国家基準点と統計ミスの国は、どこへ向かっていくのだろうか。政府も頼もしくなく不安だ。国の事を正確な基準と正直な統計に基づいて営まなければ先進国入りは遠ざかるしかない。
143:<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2012/11/20(火) 19:46:10.19 ID:FTe0fpAn
エゲレス(1610)
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ヘタリア(1745)
italymap_03_z
米さん(17世紀中旬)
kochizu
北アメリカの西にジパングがあるな、ちけえよwww
http://san.chosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2008/10/23/2008102300968.html
[최선웅의 지도 이야기] 대한해협과 대마도
"대마도도 우리 땅 역사적 증거 얼마든지 있다"
해협(海峽=strait)이라 함은 육지와 육지 사이, 또는 육지와 섬 사이에 끼여 있는 좁은 해역(海域), 즉 두 개의 바다를 연결하는 바다의 좁은 부분을 말한다. 섬과 섬 사이의 좁은 바다도 이에 해당되나 그 규모에 따라 수로(水路), 수도(水道), 목(項) 등으로 달리 부른다.
이같이 해협은 육지와 육지 사이의 최단 거리가 되고, 두 바다를 연결하는 통로가 되기 때문에 교통이나 전략상 매우 중요한 위치를 점하게 된다. 지중해의 관문인 지브롤터해협, 페르시아만의 유일한 통로인 호르무즈해협, 말레이반도와 수마트라섬 사이의 믈라카해협, 우리나라와 일본 사이의 대한해협 등이 그 예다.
▲ 왼쪽의 지도는 우리나라 중학교 사회과부도에 실린 대한해협 부분 지도이고, 오른쪽은 일본의 중학교 사회과지도에 실린 대한해협 부분 지도다. 같은 해협을 놓고 양국간에 표기가 극명하게 다르고, 현해탄의 위치도 서로 다르다.
우리나라에도 제주해협, 한려수도, 울돌목과 같은 크고 작은 해협이 있으나 일본과의 사이에 있는 대한해협은 양국의 명칭과 국제적으로 통용되고 있는 명칭이 각기 달라 동해와 독도와 같이 양국간에 명칭 표기문제가 쟁점이 되고 있다. 정확히 말해 이 해협은 한반도 남동부와 일본 규슈(九州)섬 북단 사이이며, 동해와 동중국해를 연결하는 해협으로 전체 폭이 200km에 이른다. 해협 가운데에는 비교적 큰 섬인 대마도가 위치하고 있어 명칭 표기에 혼란이 더해지고 있다.
우리나라와 일본의 교과용 지도책인 사회과부도를 조사한 바 우리나라의 경우 1950년~1980년대까지는 한반도와 대마도 사이를 ‘대한해협’, 대마도와 규슈 사이를 ‘쓰시마해협’으로 대마도를 중심으로 구분해서 표기했으나 1980년대 이후부터는 대마도를 무시하고 해역 전체를 ‘대한해협’으로 표기하고 있다. 일본의 경우도 1950년~1980년대까지는 한반도와 대마도 사이를 ‘조선해협’, 대마도와 규슈 사이를 ‘쓰시마해협’으로 구분해서 표기했으나 1980년대 이후로는 전 해역을 ‘쓰시마해협’으로 단독 표기하고 있어 공교롭게도 양국이 거의 같은 시기에 표기방법을 달리하고 있음을 알 수 있다.
현재 국제적으로 통용되고 있는 대한해협의 표기는 ‘코리아 스트레이트(Korea
Strait)'이고, 유럽이나 미국 등지에서 발간되고 있는 스쿨 아틀라스도 모두 이 명칭을 사용하고 있다. 대한해협이란 명칭은 1850년경부터 유럽의 지도에서 사용되기 시작하여 현재에 이르고 있는데, 1861년 영국에서 발간된 ‘일본왕국(Empire Japan)'이란 지도(한송본씨 소장)를 보면 대한해협을 ‘STRAIT OF COREA’로 표기하고, 한반도와 대마도 사이를 ‘Broughton Channel(or West Corea Strait)’, 대마도와 규슈 사이를 ‘Krusenstern Channel(or Eest Corea Strait)’로 표기하고 있다. 브로튼은 영국의 탐험항해가로 1797년 우리나라 해역을 탐사하였고, 크루젠스테른은 1805년 세계일주 탐사항해를 할 때 대마도와 규슈 사이 해협을 통과하였던 러시아 사람이다.
외국 지도에 ‘쓰시마해협’ 단독 표기 늘어
그러나 최근 미국을 비롯한 몇몇 아틀라스에서 ‘쓰시마 스트레이트(Tsushima Strait)’로 단독 표기되는 경우가 늘고 있어 우려가 되고 있다. 더욱 염려스러운 것은 아직도 일부 사회과부도에서 대한해협을 한반도와 대마도 사이에 표기하는 사례가 있으며, 신문이나 방송에서도 일본과의 기사거리만 생기면 대한해협은 까맣게 잊은 채
“현해탄”운운하고 있어 대한해협의 고유성을 우리 자신이 훼손시키고 있는 실정이다.
일제 강점기를 거치면서 대한해협은 현해탄(玄海灘)으로 불리었으나 정작 현해탄의 위치는 규슈 북단의 일부 해역을 가리키는 것이고, 일본에서는 겐카이나다(玄界灘) 또는 겐카이(玄海)라 부른다. 또 일본은 해협의 명칭을 더욱 세분하여 한반도와 대마도 간을 西水道(朝鮮海峽)로, 대마도와 규슈 간을 東水道(玄界灘)로 표기하고, 넓은 의미로는 현해탄과 이키(壹岐)수도를 포함한 한반도와 규슈 북단·혼슈(本州) 서안 사이의 해역 전체를 쓰시마해협으로 규정하고 있다.
현재 사회과부도를 위시하여 대마도의 표기는 국립국어원의 외래어표기용례에 따라 쓰시마 섬으로 쓰고 있으나 대마도에 대한 표기에 신중을 기할 필요가 있다. 일본은 섬나라이기 때문에 비교적 큰 섬에 대해서는 명칭 뒤에 섬(島) 자를 붙이지 않기 때문에 대마도의 경우도 ‘쓰시마(對馬)’라 표기하고 있지만, 우리 스스로 ‘쓰시마 섬’이라 표기하는 것은 옛 선조들이 평정했던 대마도를 속절없이 포기하는 꼴이 되고 만다.
대한제국에 이르기까지 대마도는 우리 영토에 포함
2005년 3월16일 일본 시마네현(島根縣)의회가 ‘다케시마의 날’을 선포하자 경상남도 마산시의회에서도 2005년 3월18일 조선 세종 원년(1419년) 9월19일 이종무 장군이 대마도를 정벌한 날을 기념하는 뜻에서 매년 9월19일을 ‘대마도의 날’로 정하는 조례를 통과시켰다. 현재 우리나라에서는 대마도에 대해 영유권을 주장하고 있진 않지만 60년 전인 1948년에 이승만 대통령은 “대마도는 우리 땅이니 일본은 속히 반환하라”는 성명을 발표하고 당시 연합군사령부에도 “대마도는 역사적으로 한국의 영토였는데 일본에 의해 강제적, 불법으로 점령당했다”며 일본으로부터 대마도 할양을 요구한 바 있다.
이밖에도 대마도에 대한 영유권을 주장할 고증자료가 얼마든지 있다. 세종실록 4권에 상왕(태종을 이름)이 대마도 수호 도도웅와(都都熊瓦)에게 교화에 응할 것을 교유한 내용 가운데 ‘대마도라는 섬은 경상도의 계림에 예속했으니, 본디 우리나라 땅이라는 것이 문적에 실려 있어 분명히 상고할 수 있다(對馬爲島, 隸於慶尙道之鷄林, 本是我國之地, 載在文籍, 昭然可考)’라는 글이 있다. 뿐만 아니라 1530년 신증동국여지승람에 실린 목판본 지도인 팔도총도를 비롯하여 대한제국에 이르기까지 우리나라의 모든 지도에는 대마도를 우리 영토 안에 포함시켰다.
지난 7월 국내 여론기관 리얼미터가 조사한 바에 따르면 대마도에 대한 반환 촉구에 대해 찬성한다는 의견이 50.6%, 반대 의견은 33.5%로 나왔다. 일본은 제2차 세계대전 패전 이후부터 일관되게 교과서 지도책을 비롯하여 모든 지도에 독도를 다케시마(竹島)라 표기하고, 동해를 버젓이 니혼카이(日本海)로 표기함은 물론 우리나라와의 국경계를 울릉도와 독도 사이에 표시하고, 툭하면 독도가 자기네 땅이라 우리의 심기를 건드리고 있다. 이참에 우리도 사회과부도는 물론 모든 지도에 쓰시마섬을 대마도로 표기하고, 일본과의 국경을 대마도와 규슈섬 사이에 그려 넣자. 그리고 저들이 독도를 들먹이면 “대마도는 우리 땅”이라고 맞대응하자.
/ 글 최선웅 한국산악회 부회장·매핑코리아 대표
http://blog.joins.com/media/index.asp?page=11&uid=ds2hcg&folder=12&page_size=5&viewtype=1
외국 지도에 ‘쓰시마해협’ 단독 표기 늘어
그러나 최근 미국을 비롯한 몇몇 아틀라스에서 ‘쓰시마 스트레이트(Tsushima Strait)’로 단독 표기되는 경우가 늘고 있어 우려가 되고 있다. 더욱 염려스러운 것은 아직도 일부 사회과부도에서 대한해협을 한반도와 대마도 사이에 표기하는 사례가 있으며, 신문이나 방송에서도 일본과의 기사거리만 생기면 대한해협은 까맣게 잊은 채 “현해탄”운운하고 있어 대한해협의 고유성을 우리 자신이 훼손시키고 있는 실정이다.일제 강점기를 거치면서 대한해협은 현해탄(玄海灘)으로 불리었으나 정작 현해탄의 위치는 규슈 북단의 일부 해역을 가리키는 것이고, 일본에서는 겐카이나다(玄界灘) 또는 겐카이(玄海)라 부른다. 또 일본은 해협의 명칭을 더욱 세분하여 한반도와 대마도 간을 西水道(朝鮮海峽)로, 대마도와 규슈 간을 東水道(玄界灘)로 표기하고, 넓은 의미로는 현해탄과 이키(壹岐)수도를 포함한 한반도와 규슈 북단·혼슈(本州) 서안 사이의 해역 전체를 쓰시마해협으로 규정하고 있다. 현재 사회과부도를 위시하여 대마도의 표기는 국립국어원의 외래어표기용례에 따라 쓰시마 섬으로 쓰고 있으나 대마도에 대한 표기에 신중을 기할 필요가 있다. 일본은 섬나라이기 때문에 비교적 큰 섬에 대해서는 명칭 뒤에 섬(島) 자를 붙이지 않기 때문에 대마도의 경우도 ‘쓰시마(對馬)’라 표기하고 있지만, 우리 스스로 ‘쓰시마 섬’이라 표기하는 것은 옛 선조들이 평정했던 대마도를 속절없이 포기하는 꼴이 되고 만다.
대한제국에 이르기까지 대마도는 우리 영토에 포함
2005년 3월16일 일본 시마네현(島根縣)의회가 ‘다케시마의 날’을 선포하자 경상남도 마산시의회에서도 2005년 3월18일 조선 세종 원년(1419년) 9월19일 이종무 장군이 대마도를 정벌한 날을 기념하는 뜻에서 매년 9월19일을 ‘대마도의 날’로 정하는 조례를 통과시켰다. 현재 우리나라에서는 대마도에 대해 영유권을 주장하고 있진 않지만 60년 전인 1948년에 이승만 대통령은 “대마도는 우리 땅이니 일본은 속히 반환하라”는 성명을 발표하고 당시 연합군사령부에도 “대마도는 역사적으로 한국의 영토였는데 일본에 의해 강제적, 불법으로 점령당했다”며 일본으로부터 대마도 할양을 요구한 바 있다.이밖에도 대마도에 대한 영유권을 주장할 고증자료가 얼마든지 있다. 세종실록 4권에 상왕(태종을 이름)이 대마도 수호 도도웅와(都都熊瓦)에게 교화에 응할 것을 교유한 내용 가운데 ‘대마도라는 섬은 경상도의 계림에 예속했으니, 본디 우리나라 땅이라는 것이 문적에 실려 있어 분명히 상고할 수 있다(對馬爲島, 隸於慶尙道之鷄林, 本是我國之地, 載在文籍, 昭然可考)’라는 글이 있다. 뿐만 아니라 1530년 신증동국여지승람에 실린 목판본 지도인 팔도총도를 비롯하여 대한제국에 이르기까지 우리나라의 모든 지도에는 대마도를 우리 영토 안에 포함시켰다. 지난 7월 국내 여론기관 리얼미터가 조사한 바에 따르면 대마도에 대한 반환 촉구에 대해 찬성한다는 의견이 50.6%, 반대 의견은 33.5%로 나왔다. 일본은 제2차 세계대전 패전 이후부터 일관되게 교과서 지도책을 비롯하여 모든 지도에 독도를 다케시마(竹島)라 표기하고, 동해를 버젓이 니혼카이(日本海)로 표기함은 물론 우리나라와의 국경계를 울릉도와 독도 사이에 표시하고, 툭하면 독도가 자기네 땅이라 우리의 심기를 건드리고 있다. 이참에 우리도 사회과부도는 물론 모든 지도에 쓰시마섬을 대마도로 표기하고, 일본과의 국경을 대마도와 규슈섬 사이에 그려 넣자. 그리고 저들이 독도를 들먹이면 “대마도는 우리 땅”이라고 맞대응하자.
/ 글 최선웅 한국산악회 부회장·매핑코리아 대표
106 :<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2013/12/30(月) 09:45:45.95 ID:JkST9CIM
>>71
元々は当時の人気マンガ「カクシタル」。
しかし、まだマンガのことだからと信じなかった韓国人も多かったが、
金泳三がやって以降、信じられるようになったって聞いたなぁ
============================================================
【初心者】韓国・北朝鮮に関するよろず質問スレ2ダ
http://ex5.2ch.net/test/read.cgi/korea/1037297568/309
309 名前:柳■ 投稿日:02/12/04 22:04 ID:24cEJiJ6
質問ニダ
朝鮮総督府の建物を壊した時期に
地脈に影響を与える鉄杭が刺されていて、それを抜いたと聞きましたニダ
いつ頃なのか、ソースがあれば教えてくださいニダ
315 名前: 投稿日:02/12/05 00:06 ID:+UgxASzP
>>309
鉄杭を撤去したのは1995年。
杭を抜いたというソースは
『変化と改革---金泳三政府国政五年資料集』(全四巻。1997年12月発行)
日帝が地脈を意識していたかはソースなし。
読書録だけど、ちょっと載ってたので、
http://www6.plala.or.jp/Djehuti/222.htm
============================================================
リンク切れのためインターネットアーカイブにリンク
ttps://web.archive.org/web/20021221230736/http://www6.plala.or.jp/Djehuti/222.htm
荒俣宏『風水先生』(集英社文庫、1994年)
日帝が意識していたかについて引用
荒俣宏が挙げる第一の証拠は鉄杭。これは龍脈を断つべく、朝鮮のあちこちに埋めら
れたとされる。そして第二の証拠は、朝鮮総督府が昭和6年に出版した『朝鮮の風
水』という本。(中略)荒俣宏は「たしかに日本は朝鮮半島を支配する
ための方法として、風水を悪用した節がある」(84頁)と結論づける。
107 :<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2013/12/30(月) 09:54:16.27 ID:a+0hyE5a
>>105
第二次大戦中 ドイツはジプシー占いで作戦立ててたし イギリスは 国内の黒魔道士を集めてヒトラー呪い殺そうとしてた
日本も成田山の坊主は マッカーサー呪い殺すゴマを焚いてた
あの頃から進歩してないんだよ 朝鮮は(笑)
108 :<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2013/12/30(月) 09:58:08.97 ID:Z1DqFDGA
>>107
マッカーサーじゃ無くてルーズベルトじゃ?
109 :<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2013/12/30(月) 10:01:42.33 ID:9xKoA2fI
>>108
凄いニダ!チョパーリの呪いは本当に効くニダよ! 早速ウリナラ起源を主張するニダ!!!
110 :<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2013/12/30(月) 10:06:06.90 ID:xq/ZWwib
>>108
でも、ルーズベルトが死んだ時に「史上最悪の戦争犯罪者が死んだ」と言って喜ぶどころか、
弔文をおくる日本は、本当に効くと思っていなかったか、奴の死の真犯人である事を偽装したかったのどちらかニダw
111 :<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2013/12/30(月) 10:06:24.83 ID:h9Qs8vDN
てか本当に鉄杭ってむこうの奴に信じられてるん?
山手線や環状線が帝都東京の結界だとかそういうマニアが面白がる系の話じゃなくて?
112 :<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2013/12/30(月) 10:09:40.54 ID:9xKoA2fI
>>111
無知な人間は本当だと思っているし、知識層や政治家にとっては単なる反日の口実でしかない
113 :<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2013/12/30(月) 10:19:29.59 ID:gl1shSZM
>1895年には日本は200人以上の測量士を送り込み、全国を測量した。これに反発した多くの朝鮮人が犠牲になった。
鮮人は鮮人だな、さらりと嘘をつく。本当は未開の朝鮮土人に襲撃されて測量士が犠牲になった。
114 :<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2013/12/30(月) 10:21:30.55 ID:LRtkzxqp
不思議だ...。
ここまで風水を気にするなら、
なぜ韓国の国旗が不吉だとされている事は気にしないんだろう?
115 :兎悔氏 ◆fNviSKUljJ72 :2013/12/30(月) 10:24:41.67 ID:hCVyWLvi
>>111
現代財閥が汚職や内紛でゴタゴタして終いには跡取り息子が自殺した事があった。
その時、ある新聞で堂々と「新しい自社ビルが風水的に悪いニダ」って記事が載せられていた。
そんで記事を載せたのは朝鮮日報です。
119 :桃太郎:2013/12/30(月) 10:27:08.17 ID:USrhVKf2
設計ミスで強度不足な鉄塔。
民度の低さ アホ~ 最後の一コマは思わず笑ってしまいます。
159 :<丶`∀´>(´・ω・`)(`ハ´ )さん:2013/12/31(火) 19:50:08.31 ID:a3cWnbLY
民衆蜂起と「迷信」
次の一例は明治32年(1899年)3月、全羅南道破平郡、霊光郡地方で起きた明太魚(スケトウダラ)事件である。
明治32年1月、全羅北道沃溝郡を襲った津波により生じた被害は「前年日本人が沃溝郡臨波地方の山頂に登り、明太魚を埋め歩いたため」
であるという風説が広がっていた。
民衆は「日本人は山に登り、地を掘り、明太魚の目を針で貫き、これを地に埋め、朝鮮人を祈り殺す者なり」と確信した。
3月10日、中尾芳太郎らの測図班が投宿した威平郡の宿舎へ押し掛けた数十人の群衆もまた
「日本人当地方に来たり登山するは 、前のごとく山上に明太魚を埋め、海哺(津波や高潮)の如き天災を起して、我地方の人民を祈り殺さむ
とする者なり」と激しく抗議した。この時は「百方弁解慰謝の上」事なきをえたが、16日、霊光郡長古の住民は中尾を捕らえ殴打した。
このため中尾は4月上旬まで東莱温泉で療養しなければならない傷を負った。
中尾自身が記した「遭難始末書」によれば
16日午後4時すぎ、長古南方の山上(のちの三角山力)で作業中、ふもとの住民多数が棍棒を携え中尾を取り囲み
「明太魚はどこに埋めたるか白状すべし。何ゆえに明太魚を埋めて洞民を殺そうとするか」と詰問の上、測板、携帯嚢、拳銃、旅券などを奪い、
さらにふもとの沢内へ連行し捕縛したまま乱打したという。中尾が釈放されたのは午後8時40分で、彼が宿泊地へ帰着したのは12時すぎであった
朝鮮測図事業と朝鮮民衆 <海野福寿>
↧
kado lesson
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↧
sado lesson
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kado lesson
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kado lesson one-way style
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sado lesson
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kado lesson
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Hiroshima Myth and the Glorification of American Militarism
http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/HL1407/S00170/hiroshima-myth-and-the-glorification-of-american-militarism.htm
Hiroshima Myth and the Glorification of American Militarism
Wednesday, 30 July 2014, 3:43 pm
Article: Gary G. Kohls
Duty to Warn
The Hiroshima Myth and the Glorification of American Militarism
by Gary G. Kohls
July 29, 2014
This coming Wednesday, August 6, 2014, is the 69th anniversary of the bombing of Hiroshima, the whole truth of which has been heavily censored and mythologized ever since war-weary Americans celebrated V-J Day on August 15.
In the pitiful history lessons that were taught by my uninspired or bored history teachers (which seemed to be mainly ex-jocks whose real interest was coaching) came from patriotic and highly censored books where everything the British and US military ever did in the history of warfare was honorable and self-sacrificing and everything their opponents did was barbaric. Everybody in my graduating class of 26 swallowed the post-war propaganda in our history books. It was from these books that we learned about the “glorious” end of the war against Japan.
Of course, I now know that my high school classmates and I, just like most other Americans, including the volunteer members of the military, have been naïve victims of “lies our history teachers taught us”. Those teachers had likewise been misled by those who taught them their American history, which included war-justifying militarists and assorted uber-patriotic veterans and historians who refused to face the possibility that they had been duped and brain-washed into believing the myth of American exceptionalism. Included in that group were World War II “heroes” like General Douglas MacArthur, but not the 50,000 American soldier-members of The Greatest Generation who deserted or went AWOL during their war service, a reality that has been conveniently censored out of our consciousness.
One of MacArthur’s first acts after taking over as Viceroy of Japan was to confiscate and/or destroy all the photographic evidence documenting the horrors of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. He imposed total censorship over journalists on the ground about what really happened at Ground Zero in those doomed cities, again proving the old adage that “the first casualty of war is truth”.
Back in 1995, the Smithsonian Institution was preparing to correct some of the 50-year-old pseudo-patriotic myths about the Pacific War by staging an honest, historically-accurate display dealing with the atomic bombings that dealt with stories from the Japanese civilian perspective.
Swift and well-orchestrated condemnations directed at the Smithsonian historian’s plans to tell unwelcome truths came from right-wing veterans and other militarist groups (including Newt Gingrich’s GOP-dominated Congress - that threatened to stop federal funding of the Institute). The Smithsonian was forced to censor-out all of the contextually important parts of the story, and the patriotic myths about the atomic bombings persist to this very day.
We historically-illiterate Americans are prevented, again and again, from learning “unpatriotic” historical truths that might shake our confidence in the ruling elite, the Pentagon and the conscienceless multinational corporations that control our politicians and the stock market.
And we can’t forget the government and corporate-controlled media that, through clever Big Lie techniques, orchestrated the near-total media black-out about the provable controlled demolitions of the three World Trade Center buildings on 9/11/01, explosions that killed thousands of innocent people and hundreds of confused and doomed firefighters, few of whom would have died without the thermite demolitions. The explosive collapses of the three buildings, and not the planes that hit two of them, unleashed the duped dogs of war against millions of innocent victims in Afghanistan and Iraq (explore www.ae911truth.org for the extensive documentation of that assertion that very few blinded patriots want to do).
Could the Okinawa Bloodbath Have Been Averted?
The Smithsonian historians did have a gun to their heads, of course, but in the melee, the corporate-controlled media - and therefore the public – failed to learn an important historical point, and that is this: The war in the Pacific could have ended in the spring of 1945 without the summer atomic bombs, and therefore there might have been no Okinawa bloodbath for thousands of American Marines and soldiers. Also there would have been no need for an American land invasion of Japan - the basis of the subsequent propaganda campaign that justified the use of atomic bombs on defenseless civilian populations (which, by the way, meets the definition of an international war crime and a crime against humanity). We hung a few of the perpetrators of international war crimes and crimes against humanity both in Germany and Japan, but those who ordered the civilian massacres at Hiroshima and Nagasaki were never even charged.
To the victors go the spoils, and they are also the ones running the war crimes tribunals and writing the history text books.
American intelligence, with the knowledge of President Roosevelt’s and President Truman’s administrations, was fully aware of Japan's desperate search for ways to honorably surrender months before Truman gave the fateful order to incinerate Hiroshima.
Intelligence data, revealed in the 1980s, showed that the contingency plans for a large-scale US invasion (planned for no sooner than November 1, 1945) would have been unnecessary (contrary to the propaganda lies about the necessity of using “the bomb” that we have all been taught).
Japan was working on peace negotiations through its Moscow ambassador as early as April of 1945, with some evidence of surrender feelers from Japan as far back as 1944. Truman knew of these developments because the US had broken the Japanese code years earlier, and all of Japan's military and diplomatic messages were being intercepted. On July 13, 1945, Foreign Minister Togo said: "Unconditional surrender (giving up all sovereignty, which included deposing the Emperor Hirohito) is the only obstacle to peace."
Truman and his advisors knew about these efforts, and the war could have ended through diplomacy by simply conceding a post-war figurehead position for the emperor – who was regarded as a deity in Japan. That reasonable concession was - seemingly illogically - refused by the US in their demands for unconditional surrender, which was first demanded at the 1943 Casablanca Conference between Roosevelt and Churchill and then reiterated at the Potsdam Conference between Truman, Churchill and Stalin. Still, the Japanese continued searching for an honorable peace through negotiations.
Even Secretary of War Henry Stimson, said: “the true question was not whether surrender could have been achieved without the use of the bomb but whether a different diplomatic and military course would have led to an earlier surrender. A large segment of the Japanese cabinet was ready in the spring of 1945 to accept substantially the same terms as those finally agreed on.” In other words, Stimson knew that the US had unnecessarily prolonged the war.
Japanese Leaders Were Looking for ways to Honorably Surrender
After Japan did surrender on August 15, 1945, MacArthur allowed the emperor to remain in place as spiritual head of Japan, the very condition that coerced the Japanese leadership to refuse to accept the earlier, humiliating, “unconditional surrender” terms.
So the two essential questions that need answering to comprehend what was going on behind the scenes are these: 1) Why did the US refuse to accept Japan's only demand concerning their surrender (the retention of the emperor) and 2) why were the atomic bombs used when victory in the Pacific was already a certainty?
Shortly after WWII, military analyst Hanson Baldwin wrote: "The Japanese, in a military sense, were in a hopeless strategic situation by the time the Potsdam Declaration (insisting on Japan’s unconditional surrender) was made on July 26, 1945."
Admiral William Leahy, top military aide to President Truman, said in his war memoirs, I Was There: "It is my opinion that the use of this barbarous weapon at Hiroshima and Nagasaki was of no material assistance in our war against Japan. The Japanese were already defeated and ready to surrender because of the effective sea blockade and the successful bombing with conventional weapons. My own feeling is that in being the first to use it, we had adopted an ethical standard common to the barbarians of the Dark Ages."
And General Dwight D. Eisenhower, in a personal visit to President Truman a couple of weeks before the bombings, urged him not to use the atomic bombs. Eisenhower said: "It wasn’t necessary to hit them with that awful thing . . . to use the atomic bomb, to kill and terrorize civilians, without even attempting [negotiations], was a double crime."
The Factors Leading up to the Decision to use the Most Horrendous Weapons of Mass Destruction
There are a number of factors that contributed to the Truman administration’s decision to use nuclear weapons.
1) Investment. The US had made a huge investment in time, mind and money (a massive 2 billion in 1940 dollars) to produce three bombs, and there was no inclination - and no guts - to stop the momentum.
2) Revenge. The US military and political leadership – as did many ordinary Americans - had a tremendous appetite for revenge because of the Pearl Harbor “surprise” attack. Mercy wasn't in the mindset of the US military, the war-weary populace and even of average American Christian churches and the missions against Hiroshima and Nagasaki were accepted , with no questions asked, by most of those folks who only knew the sanitized, national security state version of events.
3) A “use it or lose it” mentality and scientific curiosity. The fissionable material in Hiroshima's bomb was uranium. The Trinity test bomb (exploded on July 16, 1945) and the Nagasaki bomb were plutonium bombs. Scientific curiosity were significant factor that pushed the project to its deadly completion. The Manhattan Project scientists (and the US Army director of the project, General Leslie Groves) were curious about “what would happen if Hiroshima was leveled by a single uranium bomb?” “What would happen to a major city if a plutonium bomb was dropped on it?” None but the most conscientious Manhattan scientists considered not using the bombs – even against civilian targets.
4) “Orders are orders”. Actually, the military decision to use both bombs had been made well in advance of August 1945. Accepting the surrender of Japan prior to the use of the bombs was not an option if the experiment was to go ahead. It should be obvious to everybody that the three-day interval between the two bombs was unconscionably short if the first uranium bomb was actually designed to force immediate surrender. Japan’s communications and transportation capabilities were in shambles, and no one, neither the US military nor the Japanese high command, fully understood what had happened at Hiroshima. (It is a fascinating fact that the Manhattan Project had been so top secret that even Douglas MacArthur, commanding general of the entire Pacific theatre, had been kept out of the loop until five days before Hiroshima.)
5) The Russians. Stalin’s army had proclaimed their intent to enter the war with Japan 90 days after V-E Day (Victory in Europe Day, May 8, 1945), which would have two days after Hiroshima was bombed. Indeed, Russia did declare war on Japan on August 8 and was advancing eastward across Manchuria when Nagasaki City was incinerated.
Certainly Russia was still feeling the sting of humiliation and the loss of territory back in 1905 when they were defeated by upstart Japan in the Russo-Japanese War. Elephants and ego-bloated nations have long memories, especially when they lose an argument, lose a fight or are embarrassed in public.
But the US also didn't want Japan surrendering to Russia and sharing the spoils of war. Russia was soon to be one of only two world superpowers - and a future enemy of the United States. So the first "messages" of the Cold War were sent by the US to the USSR on August 6 and 9, 1945.
Russia indeed received far less of the spoils of war than they had anticipated, and the two superpowers were instantly mired in the multi-trillion dollar stalemated empire-building, proxy wars, nuclear arms race and the possibility of total extinction of the human race. What also happened was the inevitable moral bankruptcies of both paranoid nations who were in a cold war with each other, fueled by war-profiteering corporations that promoted the military madness and borrow and spend debt economies..
The Reality for the Innocent Casualties of War
An estimated 80,000 innocent civilians, plus 20,000 weaponless young Japanese conscripts died instantly in the Hiroshima bombing. Hundreds of thousands suffered slow deaths from agonizing burns, radiation sickness, leukemias, anemias and untreatable infections. The Japanese survivor's progeny, as is true also of the progeny of American soldiers who were exposed to the US’s depleted uranium weapons in the two Gulf Wars, were also afflicted with horrible radiation-induced illnesses, congenital anomalies, cancers and premature deaths, still going on to this very hour.
Another shameful reality that has been covered up is the fact that 12 American Navy pilots, their existence well known to the US command prior to the bombing, were instantly incinerated in the Hiroshima jail on that fateful day
Military Myths That our Teachers Taught us
So the official War Department-approved, highly censored version of the end of the war in the Pacific was added to an ever-lengthening list of myths that we Americans have been continuously fed by our corporate, military, political and media opinion leaders. In the process, the gruesomeness and cruelty of war has been propagandized into its glorification.
Among the other censored out realities include what really happened in the US military bloody coup plots, invasions and occupations of the countries of North Korea, Iran, Viet Nam, Laos, Cambodia, Lebanon, Granada, Panama, the Philippines, Chile, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Honduras, Haiti, Colombia, Kuwait, Iraq, Afghanistan, etc, etc. This list doesn’t cover the uncountable secret Pentagon/CIA covert operations and assassination plots in the rest of the world, where as many as150 “sovereign” nations host American military bases (permission lavishly paid for by bribery or threats of economic or military sanctions).
But somehow most of us still hang on to our shaky "my country right or wrong" patriotism, desperately wanting to believe the cunningly-orchestrated myths that say that the war-profiteering corporate elite (and the politicians, military leaders and media talking heads who are in their employ) only work for peace, justice, equality, liberty and “making the world safe” for predatory capitalism.
While it is true that the US military has faced down the occasional despot, with necessary sacrifice from dead and mortally-wounded (in body, mind and spirit) American soldiers and veterans, more often than not the rationalizations for going to war are the same as those of the "godless communists", the anti-American “insurgents” and “freedom fighters” who just want us Yankees to go home where we belong.
August 6 and 9, 1945 are just two more examples of the brain-washing that goes on in all "total war” political agendas, which are always accompanied by the inevitable human slaughter that is euphemistically labeled "collateral damage" or "friendly fire".
What Happened to the Humanitarian, Peace-loving America That We Used to Know and Love?
It might already be too late to rescue and resuscitate the humanitarian, peacemaking America that we used to know and love. It might be too late to effectively confront the corporate hijacking of liberal democracy in America. It might be too late to successfully bring down the arrogant and greedy ruling elites who are selfishly dragging our world down the road to destruction. The rolling coup d’etat of what I call Friendly American Fascism may have already accomplished its goals.
But there may still be some hope. Rather than being silent about the wars that the war-mongers are provoking all over the planet (with the very willing assistance of the Pentagon, the weapons industries and their lapdogs in Congress), people of conscience need to start learning the whole truth of history, despite the psychological discomfort we may feel (cognitive dissonance) when the truth can’t be ignored any more. We need to start owning up to America’s uncountable war crimes that have been orchestrated in our names. And then we need to dissent, going to the streets, publicly protesting and courageously refusing to cooperate with those who are transforming America into a criminal rogue nation that will eventually be targeted for downfall by its billions of angry, fed-up, suffering victims that live both inside and outside of our borders, similar to what happened to the victims of Nazi Germany and Fascist Japan in World War II.
Doing what is right for the whole of humanity for a change, rather than just doing what is profitable or advantageous for our over-privileged, over-consumptive, toxic and unsustainable American way of life, would be real honor, real patriotism and an essential start toward real peace.
Look for Hiroshima and Nagasaki commemoration events in your home area this coming week - or host one yourself. (For Duluth area residents, check out the advertisements on the Hiroshima/Nagasaki events that will be published in the Reader.) Consider spending some educational time pondering American militarism, its nuclear arsenal and consider committing to efforts such as theMinnesota Arms Spending Alternatives Project (www.mnasap.org). And consider pondering the ethics of aggressive war by watching some of the powerful YouTube videos about the bombings, starting at www.youtube.com/watch?v=1MSKoSbqHq0)
*************
Gary G. Kohls is a retired family physician from Duluth, Minnesota who practiced holistic (non-drug) mental health care for the last decade of his career. He often dealt with the horrific psychological consequences of veterans (and civilians) who had suffered psychological, neurological and/or spiritual trauma. He continues to be involved in peace, nonviolence and justice issues and often writes about mental ill health, toxic food issues, corporate pollution, the corporate-controlled media, corporate-controlled politics, crony capitalism, militarism, racism, fascism, imperialism, totalitarianism, economic oppression, anti-environmentalism and other violent, unsustainable, anti-democratic movements.
© Scoop Media
Hiroshima Myth and the Glorification of American Militarism
Wednesday, 30 July 2014, 3:43 pm
Article: Gary G. Kohls
Duty to Warn
The Hiroshima Myth and the Glorification of American Militarism
by Gary G. Kohls
July 29, 2014
This coming Wednesday, August 6, 2014, is the 69th anniversary of the bombing of Hiroshima, the whole truth of which has been heavily censored and mythologized ever since war-weary Americans celebrated V-J Day on August 15.
In the pitiful history lessons that were taught by my uninspired or bored history teachers (which seemed to be mainly ex-jocks whose real interest was coaching) came from patriotic and highly censored books where everything the British and US military ever did in the history of warfare was honorable and self-sacrificing and everything their opponents did was barbaric. Everybody in my graduating class of 26 swallowed the post-war propaganda in our history books. It was from these books that we learned about the “glorious” end of the war against Japan.
Of course, I now know that my high school classmates and I, just like most other Americans, including the volunteer members of the military, have been naïve victims of “lies our history teachers taught us”. Those teachers had likewise been misled by those who taught them their American history, which included war-justifying militarists and assorted uber-patriotic veterans and historians who refused to face the possibility that they had been duped and brain-washed into believing the myth of American exceptionalism. Included in that group were World War II “heroes” like General Douglas MacArthur, but not the 50,000 American soldier-members of The Greatest Generation who deserted or went AWOL during their war service, a reality that has been conveniently censored out of our consciousness.
One of MacArthur’s first acts after taking over as Viceroy of Japan was to confiscate and/or destroy all the photographic evidence documenting the horrors of the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. He imposed total censorship over journalists on the ground about what really happened at Ground Zero in those doomed cities, again proving the old adage that “the first casualty of war is truth”.
Back in 1995, the Smithsonian Institution was preparing to correct some of the 50-year-old pseudo-patriotic myths about the Pacific War by staging an honest, historically-accurate display dealing with the atomic bombings that dealt with stories from the Japanese civilian perspective.
Swift and well-orchestrated condemnations directed at the Smithsonian historian’s plans to tell unwelcome truths came from right-wing veterans and other militarist groups (including Newt Gingrich’s GOP-dominated Congress - that threatened to stop federal funding of the Institute). The Smithsonian was forced to censor-out all of the contextually important parts of the story, and the patriotic myths about the atomic bombings persist to this very day.
We historically-illiterate Americans are prevented, again and again, from learning “unpatriotic” historical truths that might shake our confidence in the ruling elite, the Pentagon and the conscienceless multinational corporations that control our politicians and the stock market.
And we can’t forget the government and corporate-controlled media that, through clever Big Lie techniques, orchestrated the near-total media black-out about the provable controlled demolitions of the three World Trade Center buildings on 9/11/01, explosions that killed thousands of innocent people and hundreds of confused and doomed firefighters, few of whom would have died without the thermite demolitions. The explosive collapses of the three buildings, and not the planes that hit two of them, unleashed the duped dogs of war against millions of innocent victims in Afghanistan and Iraq (explore www.ae911truth.org for the extensive documentation of that assertion that very few blinded patriots want to do).
Could the Okinawa Bloodbath Have Been Averted?
The Smithsonian historians did have a gun to their heads, of course, but in the melee, the corporate-controlled media - and therefore the public – failed to learn an important historical point, and that is this: The war in the Pacific could have ended in the spring of 1945 without the summer atomic bombs, and therefore there might have been no Okinawa bloodbath for thousands of American Marines and soldiers. Also there would have been no need for an American land invasion of Japan - the basis of the subsequent propaganda campaign that justified the use of atomic bombs on defenseless civilian populations (which, by the way, meets the definition of an international war crime and a crime against humanity). We hung a few of the perpetrators of international war crimes and crimes against humanity both in Germany and Japan, but those who ordered the civilian massacres at Hiroshima and Nagasaki were never even charged.
To the victors go the spoils, and they are also the ones running the war crimes tribunals and writing the history text books.
American intelligence, with the knowledge of President Roosevelt’s and President Truman’s administrations, was fully aware of Japan's desperate search for ways to honorably surrender months before Truman gave the fateful order to incinerate Hiroshima.
Intelligence data, revealed in the 1980s, showed that the contingency plans for a large-scale US invasion (planned for no sooner than November 1, 1945) would have been unnecessary (contrary to the propaganda lies about the necessity of using “the bomb” that we have all been taught).
Japan was working on peace negotiations through its Moscow ambassador as early as April of 1945, with some evidence of surrender feelers from Japan as far back as 1944. Truman knew of these developments because the US had broken the Japanese code years earlier, and all of Japan's military and diplomatic messages were being intercepted. On July 13, 1945, Foreign Minister Togo said: "Unconditional surrender (giving up all sovereignty, which included deposing the Emperor Hirohito) is the only obstacle to peace."
Truman and his advisors knew about these efforts, and the war could have ended through diplomacy by simply conceding a post-war figurehead position for the emperor – who was regarded as a deity in Japan. That reasonable concession was - seemingly illogically - refused by the US in their demands for unconditional surrender, which was first demanded at the 1943 Casablanca Conference between Roosevelt and Churchill and then reiterated at the Potsdam Conference between Truman, Churchill and Stalin. Still, the Japanese continued searching for an honorable peace through negotiations.
Even Secretary of War Henry Stimson, said: “the true question was not whether surrender could have been achieved without the use of the bomb but whether a different diplomatic and military course would have led to an earlier surrender. A large segment of the Japanese cabinet was ready in the spring of 1945 to accept substantially the same terms as those finally agreed on.” In other words, Stimson knew that the US had unnecessarily prolonged the war.
Japanese Leaders Were Looking for ways to Honorably Surrender
After Japan did surrender on August 15, 1945, MacArthur allowed the emperor to remain in place as spiritual head of Japan, the very condition that coerced the Japanese leadership to refuse to accept the earlier, humiliating, “unconditional surrender” terms.
So the two essential questions that need answering to comprehend what was going on behind the scenes are these: 1) Why did the US refuse to accept Japan's only demand concerning their surrender (the retention of the emperor) and 2) why were the atomic bombs used when victory in the Pacific was already a certainty?
Shortly after WWII, military analyst Hanson Baldwin wrote: "The Japanese, in a military sense, were in a hopeless strategic situation by the time the Potsdam Declaration (insisting on Japan’s unconditional surrender) was made on July 26, 1945."
Admiral William Leahy, top military aide to President Truman, said in his war memoirs, I Was There: "It is my opinion that the use of this barbarous weapon at Hiroshima and Nagasaki was of no material assistance in our war against Japan. The Japanese were already defeated and ready to surrender because of the effective sea blockade and the successful bombing with conventional weapons. My own feeling is that in being the first to use it, we had adopted an ethical standard common to the barbarians of the Dark Ages."
And General Dwight D. Eisenhower, in a personal visit to President Truman a couple of weeks before the bombings, urged him not to use the atomic bombs. Eisenhower said: "It wasn’t necessary to hit them with that awful thing . . . to use the atomic bomb, to kill and terrorize civilians, without even attempting [negotiations], was a double crime."
The Factors Leading up to the Decision to use the Most Horrendous Weapons of Mass Destruction
There are a number of factors that contributed to the Truman administration’s decision to use nuclear weapons.
1) Investment. The US had made a huge investment in time, mind and money (a massive 2 billion in 1940 dollars) to produce three bombs, and there was no inclination - and no guts - to stop the momentum.
2) Revenge. The US military and political leadership – as did many ordinary Americans - had a tremendous appetite for revenge because of the Pearl Harbor “surprise” attack. Mercy wasn't in the mindset of the US military, the war-weary populace and even of average American Christian churches and the missions against Hiroshima and Nagasaki were accepted , with no questions asked, by most of those folks who only knew the sanitized, national security state version of events.
3) A “use it or lose it” mentality and scientific curiosity. The fissionable material in Hiroshima's bomb was uranium. The Trinity test bomb (exploded on July 16, 1945) and the Nagasaki bomb were plutonium bombs. Scientific curiosity were significant factor that pushed the project to its deadly completion. The Manhattan Project scientists (and the US Army director of the project, General Leslie Groves) were curious about “what would happen if Hiroshima was leveled by a single uranium bomb?” “What would happen to a major city if a plutonium bomb was dropped on it?” None but the most conscientious Manhattan scientists considered not using the bombs – even against civilian targets.
4) “Orders are orders”. Actually, the military decision to use both bombs had been made well in advance of August 1945. Accepting the surrender of Japan prior to the use of the bombs was not an option if the experiment was to go ahead. It should be obvious to everybody that the three-day interval between the two bombs was unconscionably short if the first uranium bomb was actually designed to force immediate surrender. Japan’s communications and transportation capabilities were in shambles, and no one, neither the US military nor the Japanese high command, fully understood what had happened at Hiroshima. (It is a fascinating fact that the Manhattan Project had been so top secret that even Douglas MacArthur, commanding general of the entire Pacific theatre, had been kept out of the loop until five days before Hiroshima.)
5) The Russians. Stalin’s army had proclaimed their intent to enter the war with Japan 90 days after V-E Day (Victory in Europe Day, May 8, 1945), which would have two days after Hiroshima was bombed. Indeed, Russia did declare war on Japan on August 8 and was advancing eastward across Manchuria when Nagasaki City was incinerated.
Certainly Russia was still feeling the sting of humiliation and the loss of territory back in 1905 when they were defeated by upstart Japan in the Russo-Japanese War. Elephants and ego-bloated nations have long memories, especially when they lose an argument, lose a fight or are embarrassed in public.
But the US also didn't want Japan surrendering to Russia and sharing the spoils of war. Russia was soon to be one of only two world superpowers - and a future enemy of the United States. So the first "messages" of the Cold War were sent by the US to the USSR on August 6 and 9, 1945.
Russia indeed received far less of the spoils of war than they had anticipated, and the two superpowers were instantly mired in the multi-trillion dollar stalemated empire-building, proxy wars, nuclear arms race and the possibility of total extinction of the human race. What also happened was the inevitable moral bankruptcies of both paranoid nations who were in a cold war with each other, fueled by war-profiteering corporations that promoted the military madness and borrow and spend debt economies..
The Reality for the Innocent Casualties of War
An estimated 80,000 innocent civilians, plus 20,000 weaponless young Japanese conscripts died instantly in the Hiroshima bombing. Hundreds of thousands suffered slow deaths from agonizing burns, radiation sickness, leukemias, anemias and untreatable infections. The Japanese survivor's progeny, as is true also of the progeny of American soldiers who were exposed to the US’s depleted uranium weapons in the two Gulf Wars, were also afflicted with horrible radiation-induced illnesses, congenital anomalies, cancers and premature deaths, still going on to this very hour.
Another shameful reality that has been covered up is the fact that 12 American Navy pilots, their existence well known to the US command prior to the bombing, were instantly incinerated in the Hiroshima jail on that fateful day
Military Myths That our Teachers Taught us
So the official War Department-approved, highly censored version of the end of the war in the Pacific was added to an ever-lengthening list of myths that we Americans have been continuously fed by our corporate, military, political and media opinion leaders. In the process, the gruesomeness and cruelty of war has been propagandized into its glorification.
Among the other censored out realities include what really happened in the US military bloody coup plots, invasions and occupations of the countries of North Korea, Iran, Viet Nam, Laos, Cambodia, Lebanon, Granada, Panama, the Philippines, Chile, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Guatemala, Honduras, Haiti, Colombia, Kuwait, Iraq, Afghanistan, etc, etc. This list doesn’t cover the uncountable secret Pentagon/CIA covert operations and assassination plots in the rest of the world, where as many as150 “sovereign” nations host American military bases (permission lavishly paid for by bribery or threats of economic or military sanctions).
But somehow most of us still hang on to our shaky "my country right or wrong" patriotism, desperately wanting to believe the cunningly-orchestrated myths that say that the war-profiteering corporate elite (and the politicians, military leaders and media talking heads who are in their employ) only work for peace, justice, equality, liberty and “making the world safe” for predatory capitalism.
While it is true that the US military has faced down the occasional despot, with necessary sacrifice from dead and mortally-wounded (in body, mind and spirit) American soldiers and veterans, more often than not the rationalizations for going to war are the same as those of the "godless communists", the anti-American “insurgents” and “freedom fighters” who just want us Yankees to go home where we belong.
August 6 and 9, 1945 are just two more examples of the brain-washing that goes on in all "total war” political agendas, which are always accompanied by the inevitable human slaughter that is euphemistically labeled "collateral damage" or "friendly fire".
What Happened to the Humanitarian, Peace-loving America That We Used to Know and Love?
It might already be too late to rescue and resuscitate the humanitarian, peacemaking America that we used to know and love. It might be too late to effectively confront the corporate hijacking of liberal democracy in America. It might be too late to successfully bring down the arrogant and greedy ruling elites who are selfishly dragging our world down the road to destruction. The rolling coup d’etat of what I call Friendly American Fascism may have already accomplished its goals.
But there may still be some hope. Rather than being silent about the wars that the war-mongers are provoking all over the planet (with the very willing assistance of the Pentagon, the weapons industries and their lapdogs in Congress), people of conscience need to start learning the whole truth of history, despite the psychological discomfort we may feel (cognitive dissonance) when the truth can’t be ignored any more. We need to start owning up to America’s uncountable war crimes that have been orchestrated in our names. And then we need to dissent, going to the streets, publicly protesting and courageously refusing to cooperate with those who are transforming America into a criminal rogue nation that will eventually be targeted for downfall by its billions of angry, fed-up, suffering victims that live both inside and outside of our borders, similar to what happened to the victims of Nazi Germany and Fascist Japan in World War II.
Doing what is right for the whole of humanity for a change, rather than just doing what is profitable or advantageous for our over-privileged, over-consumptive, toxic and unsustainable American way of life, would be real honor, real patriotism and an essential start toward real peace.
Look for Hiroshima and Nagasaki commemoration events in your home area this coming week - or host one yourself. (For Duluth area residents, check out the advertisements on the Hiroshima/Nagasaki events that will be published in the Reader.) Consider spending some educational time pondering American militarism, its nuclear arsenal and consider committing to efforts such as theMinnesota Arms Spending Alternatives Project (www.mnasap.org). And consider pondering the ethics of aggressive war by watching some of the powerful YouTube videos about the bombings, starting at www.youtube.com/watch?v=1MSKoSbqHq0)
*************
Gary G. Kohls is a retired family physician from Duluth, Minnesota who practiced holistic (non-drug) mental health care for the last decade of his career. He often dealt with the horrific psychological consequences of veterans (and civilians) who had suffered psychological, neurological and/or spiritual trauma. He continues to be involved in peace, nonviolence and justice issues and often writes about mental ill health, toxic food issues, corporate pollution, the corporate-controlled media, corporate-controlled politics, crony capitalism, militarism, racism, fascism, imperialism, totalitarianism, economic oppression, anti-environmentalism and other violent, unsustainable, anti-democratic movements.
© Scoop Media
↧
Asahi newspaper;the testimony "i curt off in Jeju Island" ,Judged it was the false, not obtained the support
제주도(濟州島)에서 연행」증언뒷받침해 얻을 수 없고 허위라고 판단
http://www.asahi.com/articles/ASG7L71S2G7LUTIL05N.html
済州島で連行」証言 裏付け得られず虚偽と判断
2014年8月5日05時00分 朝日新聞デジタル
〈疑問〉日本の植民地だった朝鮮で戦争中、慰安婦にするため女性を暴力を使って無理やり連れ出したと著書や集会で証言した男性がいました。朝日新聞は80年代から90年代初めに記事で男性を取り上げましたが、証言は虚偽という指摘があります。
男性は吉田清治氏。著書などでは日雇い労働者らを統制する組織である山口県労務報国会下関支部で動員部長をしていたと語っていた。
朝日新聞は吉田氏について確認できただけで16回、記事にした。初掲載は82年9月2日の大阪本社版朝刊社会面。大阪市内での講演内容として「済州島で200人の若い朝鮮人女性を『狩り出した』」と報じた。執筆した大阪社会部の記者(66)は「講演での話の内容は具体的かつ詳細で全く疑わなかった」と話す。
90年代初め、他の新聞社も集会などで証言する吉田氏を記事で取り上げていた。
92年4月30日、産経新聞は朝刊で、秦郁彦氏による済州島での調査結果を元に証言に疑問を投げかける記事を掲載。週刊誌も「『創作』の疑い」と報じ始めた。
東京社会部の記者(53)は産経新聞の記事の掲載直後、デスクの指示で吉田氏に会い、裏付けのための関係者の紹介やデータ提供を要請したが拒まれたという。
97年3月31日の特集記事のための取材の際、吉田氏は東京社会部記者(57)との面会を拒否。虚偽ではないかという報道があることを電話で問うと「体験をそのまま書いた」と答えた。済州島でも取材し裏付けは得られなかったが、吉田氏の証言が虚偽だという確証がなかったため、「真偽は確認できない」と表記した。その後、朝日新聞は吉田氏を取り上げていない。
しかし、自民党の安倍晋三総裁が2012年11月の日本記者クラブ主催の党首討論会で「朝日新聞の誤報による吉田清治という詐欺師のような男がつくった本がまるで事実かのように日本中に伝わって問題が大きくなった」と発言。一部の新聞や雑誌が朝日新聞批判を繰り返している。
今年4~5月、済州島内で70代後半~90代の計約40人に話を聞いたが、強制連行したという吉田氏の記述を裏付ける証言は得られなかった。
干し魚の製造工場から数十人の女性を連れ去ったとされる北西部の町。魚を扱う工場は村で一つしかなく、経営に携わった地元男性(故人)の息子は「作っていたのは缶詰のみ。父から女性従業員が連れ去られたという話は聞いたことがない」と語った。「かやぶき」と記された工場の屋根は、韓国の当時の水産事業を研究する立命館大の河原典史教授(歴史地理学)が入手した当時の様子を記録した映像資料によると、トタンぶきとかわらぶきだった。
93年6月に、吉田氏の著書をもとに済州島を調べたという韓国挺身隊研究所元研究員の姜貞淑(カンジョンスク)さんは「数カ所でそれぞれ数人の老人から話を聞いたが、記述にあるような証言は出なかった」と語った。
吉田氏は著書で、43年5月に西部軍の動員命令で済州島に行き、その命令書の中身を記したものが妻(故人)の日記に残っていると書いていた。しかし、今回、吉田氏の長男(64)に取材したところ、妻は日記をつけていなかったことがわかった。吉田氏は00年7月に死去したという。
吉田氏は93年5月、吉見義明・中央大教授らと面会した際、「(強制連行した)日時や場所を変えた場合もある」と説明した上、動員命令書を写した日記の提示も拒んだといい、吉見氏は「証言としては使えないと確認するしかなかった」と指摘している=注①。
戦時中の朝鮮半島の動員に詳しい外村大・東京大准教授は、吉田氏が所属していたという労務報国会は厚生省と内務省の指示で作られた組織だとし、「指揮系統からして軍が動員命令を出すことも、職員が直接朝鮮に出向くことも考えづらい」と話す。
吉田氏はまた、強制連行したとする43年5月当時、済州島は「陸軍部隊本部」が「軍政を敷いていた」と説明していた。この点について、永井和・京都大教授(日本近現代史)は旧陸軍の資料から、済州島に陸軍の大部隊が集結するのは45年4月以降だと指摘。「記述内容は事実とは考えられない」と話した。
■読者のみなさまへ
吉田氏が済州島で慰安婦を強制連行したとする証言は虚偽だと判断し、記事を取り消します。当時、虚偽の証言を見抜けませんでした。済州島を再取材しましたが、証言を裏付ける話は得られませんでした。研究者への取材でも証言の核心部分についての矛盾がいくつも明らかになりました。
http://www.asahi.com/articles/ASG7L71S2G7LUTIL05N.html
「済州島で連行」証言 裏付け得られず虚偽と判断
2014年8月5日05時00分
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〈疑問〉日本の植民地だった朝鮮で戦争中、慰安婦にするため女性を暴力を使って無理やり連れ出したと著書や集会で証言した男性がいました。朝日新聞は80年代から90年代初めに記事で男性を取り上げましたが、証言は虚偽という指摘があります。
慰安婦問題を考える
男性は吉田清治氏。著書などでは日雇い労働者らを統制する組織である山口県労務報国会下関支部で動員部長をしていたと語っていた。
朝日新聞は吉田氏について確認できただけで16回、記事にした。初掲載は82年9月2日の大阪本社版朝刊社会面。大阪市内での講演内容として「済州島で200人の若い朝鮮人女性を『狩り出した』」と報じた。執筆した大阪社会部の記者(66)は「講演での話の内容は具体的かつ詳細で全く疑わなかった」と話す。
90年代初め、他の新聞社も集会などで証言する吉田氏を記事で取り上げていた。
92年4月30日、産経新聞は朝刊で、秦郁彦氏による済州島での調査結果を元に証言に疑問を投げかける記事を掲載。週刊誌も「『創作』の疑い」と報じ始めた。
東京社会部の記者(53)は産経新聞の記事の掲載直後、デスクの指示で吉田氏に会い、裏付けのための関係者の紹介やデータ提供を要請したが拒まれたという。
97年3月31日の特集記事のための取材の際、吉田氏は東京社会部記者(57)との面会を拒否。虚偽ではないかという報道があることを電話で問うと「体験をそのまま書いた」と答えた。済州島でも取材し裏付けは得られなかったが、吉田氏の証言が虚偽だという確証がなかったため、「真偽は確認できない」と表記した。その後、朝日新聞は吉田氏を取り上げていない。
しかし、自民党の安倍晋三総裁が2012年11月の日本記者クラブ主催の党首討論会で「朝日新聞の誤報による吉田清治という詐欺師のような男がつくった本がまるで事実かのように日本中に伝わって問題が大きくなった」と発言。一部の新聞や雑誌が朝日新聞批判を繰り返している。
今年4~5月、済州島内で70代後半~90代の計約40人に話を聞いたが、強制連行したという吉田氏の記述を裏付ける証言は得られなかった。
干し魚の製造工場から数十人の女性を連れ去ったとされる北西部の町。魚を扱う工場は村で一つしかなく、経営に携わった地元男性(故人)の息子は「作っていたのは缶詰のみ。父から女性従業員が連れ去られたという話は聞いたことがない」と語った。「かやぶき」と記された工場の屋根は、韓国の当時の水産事業を研究する立命館大の河原典史教授(歴史地理学)が入手した当時の様子を記録した映像資料によると、トタンぶきとかわらぶきだった。
93年6月に、吉田氏の著書をもとに済州島を調べたという韓国挺身隊研究所元研究員の姜貞淑(カンジョンスク)さんは「数カ所でそれぞれ数人の老人から話を聞いたが、記述にあるような証言は出なかった」と語った。
吉田氏は著書で、43年5月に西部軍の動員命令で済州島に行き、その命令書の中身を記したものが妻(故人)の日記に残っていると書いていた。しかし、今回、吉田氏の長男(64)に取材したところ、妻は日記をつけていなかったことがわかった。吉田氏は00年7月に死去したという。
吉田氏は93年5月、吉見義明・中央大教授らと面会した際、「(強制連行した)日時や場所を変えた場合もある」と説明した上、動員命令書を写した日記の提示も拒んだといい、吉見氏は「証言としては使えないと確認するしかなかった」と指摘している=注①。
戦時中の朝鮮半島の動員に詳しい外村大・東京大准教授は、吉田氏が所属していたという労務報国会は厚生省と内務省の指示で作られた組織だとし、「指揮系統からして軍が動員命令を出すことも、職員が直接朝鮮に出向くことも考えづらい」と話す。
吉田氏はまた、強制連行したとする43年5月当時、済州島は「陸軍部隊本部」が「軍政を敷いていた」と説明していた。この点について、永井和・京都大教授(日本近現代史)は旧陸軍の資料から、済州島に陸軍の大部隊が集結するのは45年4月以降だと指摘。「記述内容は事実とは考えられない」と話した。
■読者のみなさまへ
吉田氏が済州島で慰安婦を強制連行したとする証言は虚偽だと判断し、記事を取り消します。当時、虚偽の証言を見抜けませんでした。済州島を再取材しましたが、証言を裏付ける話は得られませんでした。研究者への取材でも証言の核心部分についての矛盾がいくつも明らかになりました。
◇
注① 吉見義明・川田文子編「『従軍慰安婦』をめぐる30のウソと真実」(大月書店、1997年)
http://www.asahi.com/articles/ASG7M03C6G7LUTIL06B.html
強制連行 自由を奪われた強制性あった
2014年8月5日05時00分
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〈疑問〉政府は、軍隊や警察などに人さらいのように連れていかれて無理やり慰安婦にさせられた、いわゆる「強制連行」を直接裏付ける資料はないと説明しています。強制連行はなかったのですか。
慰安婦問題を考える
慰安婦問題に注目が集まった1991~92年、朝日新聞は朝鮮人慰安婦について、「強制連行された」と報じた。吉田清治氏の済州島での「慰安婦狩り」証言(「『済州島で連行』証言」で説明)を強制連行の事例として紹介したほか、宮沢喜一首相の訪韓直前の92年1月12日の社説「歴史から目をそむけまい」で「(慰安婦は)『挺身(ていしん)隊』の名で勧誘または強制連行され」たと表現した。
当時は慰安婦関係の資料発掘が進んでおらず、専門家らも裏付けを欠いたままこの語を使っていた。秦郁彦氏も80年代半ば、朝鮮人慰安婦について「強制連行に近い形で徴集された」と記した=注①。
もともと「朝鮮人強制連行」は、一般的に、日本の植民地だった朝鮮の人々を戦時中、その意思とは関係なく、政府計画に基づき、日本内地や軍占領地の炭鉱や鉱山などに労働者として動員したことを指していた=注②。60年代に実態を調べた在日朝鮮人の研究者が強制連行と呼び=注③=、メディアにも広がった経緯もあり、強制連行は使う人によって定義に幅がある。
こうした中、慰安婦の強制連行の定義も、「官憲の職権を発動した『慰安婦狩り』ないし『ひとさらい』的連行」に限定する見解=注④=と、「軍または総督府が選定した業者が、略取、誘拐や人身売買により連行」した場合も含むという考え方=注⑤=が研究者の間で今も対立する状況が続いている。
朝鮮半島でどのように慰安婦が集められたかという過程は、元慰安婦が名乗り出た91年以降、その証言を通して次第に明らかになっていく。
93年2月、「韓国挺身隊問題対策協議会」は、元慰安婦約40人のうち「信憑性(しんぴょうせい)に自信が持てる」(鄭鎮星〈チョンジンソン〉)・挺身隊研究会会長)19人の聞き取りを編んだ証言集を刊行。「軍人や軍属らによる暴力」があったと語ったのは4人で、多くは民間業者が甘い言葉で誘ったり、だまして連れて行ったりする誘拐との内容だった。
慰安婦たちは、徴集の形にかかわらず、戦場で軍隊のために自由を奪われて性行為を強いられ、暴力や爆撃におびえ性病や不妊などの後遺症に苦しんだ経験を語っていた。
93年8月に発表された宮沢政権の河野洋平官房長官談話(河野談話)は、「慰安所の生活は強制的な状況で痛ましいものだった」「募集、移送、管理等も、甘言、強圧による等、総じて本人たちの意思に反して行われた」と認めた。関係省庁や米国立公文書館などで日本政府が行った調査では、朝鮮半島では軍の意思で組織的に有形力の行使が行われるといった「狭い意味の強制連行」は確認されなかったといい、談話は「強制連行」ではなく、戦場の慰安所で自由意思を奪われた「強制」性を問題とした。
談話発表に先立つ7月には、ソウルの太平洋戦争犠牲者遺族会事務所で、日本政府が元慰安婦たちに聞き取りをした。今年6月に発表された河野談話作成過程の検証チーム報告は、聞き取りの目的について「元慰安婦に寄り添い、気持ちを深く理解する」とし、裏付け調査などを行わなかったことを指摘した。
河野談話の発表を受け、朝日新聞は翌日の朝刊1面で「慰安婦『強制』認め謝罪 『総じて意に反した』」の見出しで記事を報じた。読売、毎日、産経の各紙は、河野談話は「強制連行」を認めたと報じたが、朝日新聞は「強制連行」を使わなかった。
官房長官への取材を担当していた政治部記者(51)は、専門家の間でも解釈が分かれていることなどから「強制連行」とせず単に「強制」という言葉を使ったのだと思う、と振り返る。「談話や会見、それまでの取材から読み取れたのは、本人の意思に反する広い意味での強制連行を認めたということだった。しかし、強制連行という語を使うと読者の誤解を招くと考え、慎重な表現ぶりになった」
93年以降、朝日新聞は強制連行という言葉をなるべく使わないようにしてきた。
97年春に中学教科書に慰安婦の記述が登場するのを機に、朝日新聞は同年3月31日朝刊でこの問題を特集した。
日本の植民地下で、人々が大日本帝国の「臣民」とされた朝鮮や台湾では、軍による強制連行を直接示す公的文書は見つかっていない。貧困や家父長制を背景に売春業者が横行し、軍が直接介入しなくても、就労詐欺や人身売買などの方法で多くの女性を集められたという。一方、インドネシアや中国など日本軍の占領下にあった地域では、兵士が現地の女性を無理やり連行し、慰安婦にしたことを示す供述が、連合軍の戦犯裁判などの資料に記されている。インドネシアでは現地のオランダ人も慰安婦にされた。
97年の特集では「本人の意思に反して慰安所にとどまることを物理的に強いられたりした場合は強制があったといえる」と結論づけた。
河野談話が発表されて以降、現在の安倍内閣も含めて歴代の政権は談話を引き継いでいる。一方、日本軍などが慰安婦を直接連行したことを示す日本政府の公文書が見つかっていないことを根拠に、「強制連行はなかった」として、国の責任が全くなかったかのような主張を一部の政治家や識者が繰り返してきた。
朝鮮など各地で慰安婦がどのように集められたかについては、今後も研究を続ける必要がある。だが、問題の本質は、軍の関与がなければ成立しなかった慰安所で女性が自由を奪われ、尊厳が傷つけられたことにある。
これまで慰安婦問題を報じてきた朝日新聞の問題意識は、今も変わっていない。
■読者のみなさまへ
日本の植民地だった朝鮮や台湾では、軍の意向を受けた業者が「良い仕事がある」などとだまして多くの女性を集めることができ、軍などが組織的に人さらいのように連行した資料は見つかっていません。一方、インドネシアなど日本軍の占領下にあった地域では、軍が現地の女性を無理やり連行したことを示す資料が確認されています。共通するのは、女性たちが本人の意に反して慰安婦にされる強制性があったことです。
◇
注① 「従軍慰安婦(正続)」陸軍史研究会編「日本陸軍の本 総解説」(自由国民社、1985年)
注② 外村大「朝鮮人強制連行」(岩波新書、2012年)
注③ 朴慶植「朝鮮人強制連行の記録」(未来社、1965年)
注④ 秦郁彦「『慰安婦狩り』証言 検証・第三弾 ドイツの従軍慰安婦問題」「諸君!」1992年9月号
注⑤ 吉見義明「『河野談話』をどう考えるか――その意義と問題点」「戦争と女性への暴力」リサーチ・アクションセンター編「『慰安婦』バッシングを越えて」(大月書店、2013年)
http://www.asahi.com/articles/ASG7L71S2G7LUTIL05N.html
「済州島で連行」証言 裏付け得られず虚偽と判断
2014年8月5日05時00分
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〈疑問〉日本の植民地だった朝鮮で戦争中、慰安婦にするため女性を暴力を使って無理やり連れ出したと著書や集会で証言した男性がいました。朝日新聞は80年代から90年代初めに記事で男性を取り上げましたが、証言は虚偽という指摘があります。
慰安婦問題を考える
男性は吉田清治氏。著書などでは日雇い労働者らを統制する組織である山口県労務報国会下関支部で動員部長をしていたと語っていた。
朝日新聞は吉田氏について確認できただけで16回、記事にした。初掲載は82年9月2日の大阪本社版朝刊社会面。大阪市内での講演内容として「済州島で200人の若い朝鮮人女性を『狩り出した』」と報じた。執筆した大阪社会部の記者(66)は「講演での話の内容は具体的かつ詳細で全く疑わなかった」と話す。
90年代初め、他の新聞社も集会などで証言する吉田氏を記事で取り上げていた。
92年4月30日、産経新聞は朝刊で、秦郁彦氏による済州島での調査結果を元に証言に疑問を投げかける記事を掲載。週刊誌も「『創作』の疑い」と報じ始めた。
東京社会部の記者(53)は産経新聞の記事の掲載直後、デスクの指示で吉田氏に会い、裏付けのための関係者の紹介やデータ提供を要請したが拒まれたという。
97年3月31日の特集記事のための取材の際、吉田氏は東京社会部記者(57)との面会を拒否。虚偽ではないかという報道があることを電話で問うと「体験をそのまま書いた」と答えた。済州島でも取材し裏付けは得られなかったが、吉田氏の証言が虚偽だという確証がなかったため、「真偽は確認できない」と表記した。その後、朝日新聞は吉田氏を取り上げていない。
しかし、自民党の安倍晋三総裁が2012年11月の日本記者クラブ主催の党首討論会で「朝日新聞の誤報による吉田清治という詐欺師のような男がつくった本がまるで事実かのように日本中に伝わって問題が大きくなった」と発言。一部の新聞や雑誌が朝日新聞批判を繰り返している。
今年4~5月、済州島内で70代後半~90代の計約40人に話を聞いたが、強制連行したという吉田氏の記述を裏付ける証言は得られなかった。
干し魚の製造工場から数十人の女性を連れ去ったとされる北西部の町。魚を扱う工場は村で一つしかなく、経営に携わった地元男性(故人)の息子は「作っていたのは缶詰のみ。父から女性従業員が連れ去られたという話は聞いたことがない」と語った。「かやぶき」と記された工場の屋根は、韓国の当時の水産事業を研究する立命館大の河原典史教授(歴史地理学)が入手した当時の様子を記録した映像資料によると、トタンぶきとかわらぶきだった。
93年6月に、吉田氏の著書をもとに済州島を調べたという韓国挺身隊研究所元研究員の姜貞淑(カンジョンスク)さんは「数カ所でそれぞれ数人の老人から話を聞いたが、記述にあるような証言は出なかった」と語った。
吉田氏は著書で、43年5月に西部軍の動員命令で済州島に行き、その命令書の中身を記したものが妻(故人)の日記に残っていると書いていた。しかし、今回、吉田氏の長男(64)に取材したところ、妻は日記をつけていなかったことがわかった。吉田氏は00年7月に死去したという。
吉田氏は93年5月、吉見義明・中央大教授らと面会した際、「(強制連行した)日時や場所を変えた場合もある」と説明した上、動員命令書を写した日記の提示も拒んだといい、吉見氏は「証言としては使えないと確認するしかなかった」と指摘している=注①。
戦時中の朝鮮半島の動員に詳しい外村大・東京大准教授は、吉田氏が所属していたという労務報国会は厚生省と内務省の指示で作られた組織だとし、「指揮系統からして軍が動員命令を出すことも、職員が直接朝鮮に出向くことも考えづらい」と話す。
吉田氏はまた、強制連行したとする43年5月当時、済州島は「陸軍部隊本部」が「軍政を敷いていた」と説明していた。この点について、永井和・京都大教授(日本近現代史)は旧陸軍の資料から、済州島に陸軍の大部隊が集結するのは45年4月以降だと指摘。「記述内容は事実とは考えられない」と話した。
■読者のみなさまへ
吉田氏が済州島で慰安婦を強制連行したとする証言は虚偽だと判断し、記事を取り消します。当時、虚偽の証言を見抜けませんでした。済州島を再取材しましたが、証言を裏付ける話は得られませんでした。研究者への取材でも証言の核心部分についての矛盾がいくつも明らかになりました。
◇
注① 吉見義明・川田文子編「『従軍慰安婦』をめぐる30のウソと真実」(大月書店、1997年)
PR情報
http://www.geocities.jp/tamacamat/ianfu.html
慰安婦問題年表
年 事件 詳細
1983 吉田清治手記出版 若い女達を木剣で殴りけりトラックに詰め込んだ・・・・・等、ひたすら扇情的な内容。彼は朝日の懸賞小説に応募して佳作になったストーリーテラー。
1989 同書韓国訳出版
↑ 元慰安婦探し 青柳某が訴訟費用は負担します、と韓国ビラ配りの旅。
1991 朝日記事スクープ 軍に強制連行された元従軍慰安婦が名乗りをあげた..。植村記者は彼女が親に売られた...と言っているの を知りながら強制連行に捏造して記事を書いた。植村記者は現在北京特派員。
↑ 元慰安婦東京地裁に提訴 訴状には親に売られたと明記。強制連行ではなかった証拠になるが前の記事は訂正せず。
1992 朝日軍関与証拠発見の記事 関与とは、具体的には性病を防ぐためと強姦事件を抑えるために慰安所を設けたということだが、記事の見出しの印象操作で見出しだけ読むと隠していた悪事が露見したように見えるのがポイント。
↑ 朝日/北畠委員の名で吉田清治の取材記事 吉田さんは「遺書として記録したいと体験を書き、話してきた」と彼がいかにも信頼できる善意あふれる人のような印象を与える記事を書く。
↑ 正論8月号/諸君7,8月号 秦教授が斎州島で聞き取り調査、吉田本のウソ発覚、とんでもない経歴も暴露。
↑ 慰安婦問題沈静化 上記論文で完膚なきまでに否定される。
1993 宮沢訪朝 訪朝直前に反日感情盛り上がる、韓国首相に慰安婦の件で謝罪
↑ 河野談話 強制性があったと認める。慰安婦問題が事実として復活。
1996 中学教科書記載 河野談話を論拠に全ての中学生教科書に従軍慰安婦が記載される。
1997 4月号文芸春秋桜井レポート 河野談話は韓国政府との政治的妥協の産物だった...と暴露。
↑ 3月朝日特集主張 強制連行がなかったとしても、強制性があったのは明らか...。と得意のスリカエ戦術。
↑ 3月朝日吉田証言否定 斎州島の人たちからも証言なく、真偽は確認できない。と自分で権威つけして火を大きくしたくせに、他人事のような無責任極まる書きぶりで証言を否定。
2000 国際戦犯法廷 天皇を弁護人なしで裁く裁判劇を九段会館で上演。NHKが取材。
2001 NHK番組で上記番組放送 編集に不満のバウネットがNHKを提訴。
2005 朝日NHK番組改変記事 安倍・中川氏が圧力をかけて改変させたと報道。NHK幹部も反論して大問題に。
■一貫して不思議に思うのは、朝日新聞が吉田証言を、 そのまま真実と信じた根拠である。 その吉田証言を、他の人が証拠を持って論証して肯定できなくなると、自らが5年後に他人事のように否定するに至っている。
一体1992の彼の証言をホントだと信じた根拠はなんなのか?その証言者の発言をそのまま真実とみなすウラをしっかりチェックしたのか? こんなことになるのは、最初から結論ありきで、朝日に都合のいい発言者を選んで取材したからだろう。 理由がなんであれ、はっきりしていることは朝日の記者は自らは取材者の発言の虚実には全く責任を持たないで、記事にしていると言うことだ。そんな無責任な記事で、日本国民に謝罪させ続けていることだ。
※参考資料:自由主義史観研究会著/朝日新聞が捏造した「慰安婦問題」
■この問題は日本と韓国とを反目させるためのC国の工作との見方がある。このまま韓国と険悪になれば、C国の工作が成功することになる。
■NHK番組改変問題
■従軍慰安婦問題
[01] 慰安婦問題年表
[02] オペレーション
[03] 問題の論点
■その他
http://oboega-01.blog.jp/archives/1007176702.html
http://hannichikenkyu.blog.fc2.com/blog-entry-80.html
1991(平成3)年8月11日付け朝日新聞は、「ソウル10日発 植村 隆 」 として、〈 思い出すと今も涙 〉と大きく横見出しをとって、〈 元朝鮮人従軍慰安婦 戦後半世紀重い口開く 〉 のもと、次のようにつたえました。
〈 日中戦争や第2次大戦の際、「女子挺身隊」 の名で戦場に連行され 、日本軍人相手に売春行為を強いられた「朝鮮人従軍慰安婦」のうち、1人がソウル市内に生存していることがわかり、「韓国挺身隊問題対策協議会」(尹 貞玉・共同代表、16団体約30万人)が聞き取り作業を始めた。同協議会は10日、女性の話を録音したテープを朝日新聞社に公開した 。・・・ 〉
出典:万死に値する朝日・慰安婦報道 (その2)
http://home.att.ne.jp/blue/gendai-shi/ianfu/ianfu-asahi-2.html
http://www.yonhapnews.co.kr/politics/2014/08/09/0503000000AKR20140809031800073.HTML
아베, 아사히 '위안부보도'취소에 "강제연행 미확인 입증"
"일본군 위안부 문제 본질 직시하라"
(도쿄=연합뉴스) 이세원 특파원 = 아사히(朝日)신문이 일본군 위안부 문제의 본질을 직시하자는 취지로 5일 실은 특집 기사. 아사히신문은 여성의 자유를 박탈하고 존엄을 짓밟은 것이 군 위안부 문제의 핵심이라고 강조했다. 이 신문은 다만 2차대전 때 제주도에서 다수 여성을 강제로 끌고 갔다고 증언한 일본인 요시다 세이지(吉田淸治·사망) 씨의 증언이 거짓이라고 판단하고 이에 기반을 둔 1980∼90년대 자사 기사를 취소한다고 밝혔다.
(도쿄=연합뉴스) 이세원 특파원 = 아사히(朝日)신문이 일본군 위안부에 관한 과거 보도에 일부 오류가 있었다고 인정한 것과 관련해 아베 신조(安倍晋三) 일본 총리는 강제연행 기록이 확인되지 않았다는 견해가 옳다는 것이 판명된 셈이라고 주장했다.
아베 총리는 9일 보도된 산케이(産經)신문과의 인터뷰에서 "제1차 아베 정권에서는 '정부 발견 자료 가운데는 군이나 관헌에 의한 이른바 강제연행을 보여주는 것과 같은 기술은 발견되지 않았다'는 각의 결정을 했는데 다시 한번 틀리지 않았다는 것이 증명됐다"고 말했다.
그는 제주도에서 다수 여성을 강제로 끌고 가 위안부로 삼았다는 일본인 요시다 세이지(吉田淸治·사망) 씨의 주장을 그간 아사히신문이 보도한 것 때문에 "많은 사람이 슬픔과 괴로움을 겪었으므로 그런 결과를 부른 것에 대한 자각과 책임감 아래 항상 검증을 하는 것이 중요하지 않겠느냐"며 이같이 강조했다.
아베 총리는 요시다 씨의 증언이 "사실로서 보도돼 일본과 한국 두 나라의 관계에 큰 영향을 줬다. 모든 교과서에 강제연행 기술(記述)이 실린 것도 사실"이라고 아사히신문의 책임론을 부각했다.
우익 성향 정치인 등이 아사히신문 관계자나 고노(河野) 담화의 주역인 고노 요헤이(河野洋平) 전 관방장관을 국회에 소환하자고 주장하는 것에 대해서는 "국회가 판단해야 한다. 정부로서는 언급을 삼가고 싶다"고 말했다.
아베 총리의 발언은 마치 아사히신문의 보도가 일본군 위안부 동원의 강제성을 보여주는 유일한 근거였던 것처럼 기사 취소를 계기로 고노담화 취소나 일본정부 면책론을 주장하는 우익 세력의 움직임에 힘을 실을 것으로 예상된다.
아사히신문은 5일 일본군 위안부 특집기사에서 "자유를 박탈당하고, 여성으로서의 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질"이라고 보도했으며 요시다 씨의 증언이 거짓이라고 판단해 1980∼90년대에 보도한 관련 기사를 취소했다.
한편, 아베 총리는 다음 달 초 단행할 개각과 자민당 간부 인사에서 스가 요시히데(菅義偉) 관방장관, 관방 부(副)장관 3명, 총리 보좌관 5명을 유임시킬 생각이라고 밝혔다.
그는 "자민당이 개정 초안을 이미 제시했으나 국민적인 관심과 이해가 깊어지지 않으면 불가능하다"며 "국민의 관심과 개정의 필요성을 지켜보고 '헌법의 어느 조문부터 해야 하는가'를 포함해 논의를 심화하고 싶다"고 개헌 의지도 드러냈다.
아베 총리는 우크라이나 정세에 관해 일본이 주요 7개국(G7)과 연대해 러시아가 취할 행동을 촉구하겠다고 강조하는 한편 블라디미르 푸틴 대통령의 일본 방문은 여러 가지 요소를 종합적으로 고려해 검토하겠다며 여지를 남겼다.
그는 집단자위권 행사 용인으로 징병제가 실시될 수 있다는 세간의 우려에 대해 "몇 번이나 국회에서 (징병제가) 헌법 위반이 된다고 명확하게 답변했다"며 "집단자위권의 한정적 행사 용인과 징병제 사이에는 아무 관계가 없다"고 말했다.
sewonlee@yna.co.kr
<저작권자(c) 연합뉴스, 무단 전재-재배포 금지>2014/08/09 13:24 송고
↧
Korean newspaper against the correction article of Asahi
http://www.chogabje.com/board/view.asp?C_IDX=56857&C_CC=AZ
아사히 신문 '自爆'(誤報인정) 배경
상대를 향한 과도한 증오와 집착은 결국 자신에게 손해가 되어 돌아올 가능성이 크다.
펀드빌더(회원) 필자의 다른 기사보기 스크랩하기기사목록이메일보내기프린트하기글자 작게 하기글자 크게 하기악마의 변호인 朴正熙 전기(全13권) 趙甲濟의 現代史이야기(全14권)
아사히 신문 보도로 형성되어 있는 위안부 '강제연행'件과 관련 하여 아사히는 이제 와서 그간의 보도(강제연행 증언)가 잘못됐다
고 했다. 아울러 아사히는, 전시 공장근로자인 여자정신대(20 여 만 명)와 위안부를 혼동한 것도 시인했으며, 한반도 지역에서 軍이
강제로 여성을 동원한 증거는 발견되지 않았다는 것도 언급했다. 이로써 '위안부=강제연행=20만명'이라는 기존공식은 극히 일부의
경우(戰時 敵國 일부여성 동원)를 빼면 사실상 無力化된 것으로 보인다.
물론 韓國은 前위안부 증언을 내세워 이를 받아들이지 않겠지만, 최소한 日本內에는 이런 기존공식이 무너졌다고 볼 수 있다. 이에
따라, 그간의 '韓國+日本內양심세력(+유엔) vs. 日本'이라는 대결 구도는 이제 '韓國(+유엔+힘빠진日本양심세력) vs. 日本'으로 바
뀌게 된다고 볼 수 있다. 이번 아사히의 오보 인정은, 日本정부로 하여금 그나마 갖고있었던 정치적 차원의 도의적 사죄 및 배상
가능성마저 완전히 없애버리게 한 계기도 된 것으로 보인다.
지금 분위기라면, 고노담화의 폐기도 시간상의 문제(아베 임기內 or 차기정권)일 가능성도 있다. 또, 오보인정에 힘입어 아베 수상은,
日本 교과서內 '강제연행'기술도 삭제하겠다는 뜻을 시사하기도 했다. 한 마디로, 위안부 문제는 이제 韓日間 합의에 의한 해결은
거의 어려워지고 사실상 영구미제 사건으로 끝날 확률이 농후해 졌다.
아사히는 이같은 파장을 모를 리 없었을 것인데, 왜 이제와서 '自 爆(자폭)'을 하게 된 것일까? 강제연행을 증언했던 '요시다'(吉田)라는
사람은 이미 사망한 상태라서 그가 살아 돌아와 회개(양심선언) 라도 하게 될 리스크도 없기 때문에 그냥 있었으면 됐는데 왜 아
사히는 굳이 나서서 바보같은 짓(自爆)을 했을까? 아사히가 오보 인정을 하게 된 표면적 계기는, '요시다'(吉田)의 30년도 더 지난
증언('제주도에서 강제연행')을 뒷받침하는 물증을 찾기 위해 바로 얼마 전에 제주도 현지를 방문하여 강제연행을 입증할 증거를 찾아
나섰는데 결국 실패했다는 것이다.
바보 아닌가? 아사히의 이 행동은, 잘해 봐야 본전인 취재를 '특정 한 의도'下에 했다는 의구심을 갖게 만든다. 만약, 반대로 '요시다'
(吉田)의 증언(강제연행)을 입증하는 증거가 이번에 진짜 나왔으면 아사히는, (30년이나 더 지난)'요시다 증언을 뒷받침하는 증거를
제주도에서 드디어 발견!'이라고 대서특필이라도 할 마음이 진짜 있었던 것인가? '뭐하고 있다가 30년도 훨씬 지나서야 검증하나?
아사히는 원래 게으른가?'라는 비난을 들을 수밖에 없다는 것을 아사히는 모를 리 없다. 한 마디로, 이래도 손해, 저래도 손해인
아사히의 이번 '제주도 방문'은 그래서 사실상 '요식행위'의 하나 로 볼 수 있다.
그것은 바로 '自爆'을 위한 명분 만들기용 요식행위다. '自爆'도 그냥 할 수 있는 것은 아니다. 명분이 있어야 할 수 있다. '요시다
증언을 입증할 만한 증거를 찾아 나섰으나 실패하여 오보를 인정 합니다'라는 것은 말이 되지만, '요시다 증언은 아무래도 거짓인
것 같아 오보를 인정합니다'는 유력지로서 말이 안되는 것이다.
결국, 아사히는, 요시다(吉田)의 증언을 뒷받침해 주는 증거를 진지하게 찾으려 애쓰다 실패하여 어쩔 수 없이 오보를 인정한
것이 아니라, 처음부터 오로지 自爆(오보 인정)을 목표로 두었을 개연성이 큰 것이다.
그러면, 아사히는 왜 그냥 넘어가도 아무 상관도 없는 '오보 인정'을 굳이 하고자 했을까? 아사히가 오보인정을 한 특집(5, 6일) 기
사의 요지는,
① 제주도(韓國 땅)에서 강제연행했다는 요시다(吉田) 증언은 허위 ② 여성근로정신대(20여만 명)와 위안부를 착각한 것 인정
③ 軍이 한반도에서 강제연행을 했다는 입증자료는 발견 안됨 ④ 그래도, 보편적 여성인권이 침해됐다는 본질은 여전함
이라는 정도로 요약된다.
그런데, 아사히는 솔직히 이 말을 하고 싶은 것이다. 즉
① "한국 땅에서 강제연행 없었다" =제주도(한국 땅)에서 강제연행했 다는 요시다(吉田) 증언은 허위
② "위안부는 20만 명이 안된다" =여성근로정신대(20여만 명)와 위안 부를 착각한 것 인정
③ "한반도에서 軍이 강제연행한 일 없다" =軍이 한반도에서 강제연행 을 했다는 입증자료는 발견 안됨
④ "그러니까 제발 韓國은, '강제연행'이나 '20만 명'주장 그만하고 보편적 여성인권 차원에서만 따졌으면 한다" =그래도, 보편적
여성인권이 침해됐다는 본질은 여전함
하사히의 이번 自爆은 한국 때문에 나왔다. 구체적으로는, 美國 등에 세워지는 위안부像이나 碑(비)가 결정적 이유가 됐다. 아사히의 오보인정
은 주로 韓國人이 추진하는 위안부像이나 碑에 단골로 들어가는 文句 (한반도내 軍에 의한 강제 연행, 20만 명)를 타깃으로 하고 있다. 아사
히는, 자신의 보도내용를, 韓國이 가져다가 근거 삼아 적극 활용하고 있는 것을 의식한 것이다.
아사히는 그 속성(좌파)상, 정부를 비판하고 인권을 추구하기 위해, 위안부 같은 이슈를 크게 다루는 일은 오히려 자연스럽다. 다만, 아
사히는 자신의 위안부 이슈화에 따른 한일 양국간 역사갈등의 무대 는 애초 日本과 韓國, 때로 유엔 정도의 제한된 범위로만 상정했는
데, 아는 바 같이 최근 한국이 이 위안부 이슈를 들고 美國 등 세계 무대로 적극 나갔으며, 이로 인해 현재 나타나는 日本에 대한 이미
지 훼손 등의 부작용은 日本 입장에서는 심각하게 고민해 볼 수 있 는 부분이다.(이 점, 한국이 노리는 부분이기도 하다)
아사히는 좌파 여부를 떠나, 애초 자신이 의도한 양상을 훨씬 벗어 난 최근의 전개(전세계 위안부像, 碑 확산)에 따른 부작용(日本 불
명예 및 후세교육에 부정적 등)을 고민했음이 틀림없어 보인다. 그 리고 지금 추세(잇따른 像, 碑 설치)라면 부작용이 심각하겠다고
아사히는 내부적으로 고민했을 가능성이 크다. 韓國 대통령이 이 른바 '고자질 외교'를 통해 위안부 문제(日本의 부도덕)를 전세계에
적극 발신하고, 美國 등에 '像과 碑'가 잇따라 들어서기 시작한 최 근 1, 2년 사이에 좌파 속성상 드러내지는 못하지만 아사히의 내부
고민은 상당히 고조였으리라 짐작된다.
결국, 지난 30년 이상을 가만히 있다가(잘 견디다) 지금 같은 '自爆'을 하지 않을 수 없게 된 이유는, 위인부 이슈가 지난 30년간은 韓日 양국간의 무대에서만 다루어지는 가운데 사죄와 용납 등이 오 가며 무난하게 콘트롤되어 아사히의 '작품(역작)'으로 존재할 수 있었지만, 최근 2년 사이 韓日관계 악화에 따라 韓國側이 이 이슈 를 설정된 무대를 벗어나 美國 등 세계로까지 갖고 나가는 과열
양상을 빚게 되자 아사히는 '뿌린 자'로서 결단의 기로에 서지 않을 수 없었던 것에 있는 것으로 보인다.
애초 '고양이'정도로 생각했던 위안부 이슈가 1~2년 사이에 '호랑 이'를 능가할 정도로 커진 상황을 아사히로서는 감당할 수 없었던
셈이다. 바꿔 말하면, 日本內 보수지(요미우리, 산케이 등)나 정치권 의 맹공격을 무릅쓰고라도 아사히가 自爆을 택할 수밖에 없었을 정
도로 최근 韓國의 위안부 이슈에 대한 접근방식이 과도하고도 비이 성적(미국에 像, 碑)이었다는 이야기가 된다.
과거 30년 이상 주로 韓國편을 들던 아사히조차 두 손 들게 만들 정도로 위안부 이슈를 대하는 韓國의 태도에는 과도함이 있었고
이것이 결국 아사히의 自爆을 가져왔다는 것이 최종 결론이다.
향후, 관전 포인트는 비교적 親韓논조의 아사히 신문이 과연 어떤 스탠스로 나오느냐가 된다. 만약, 아사히의 이번 '自爆'에도 불구
하고, 아사히가 의도한 보람도 없이 韓國의 과도한 反日(위안부像, 碑 등)이 여전히 계속된다면, 아사히의 韓國에 대한 논조에는 근본
적인 변화가 초래될 가능성도 있다. 日本內 유력한 親韓 매체 하나 가 사라지는 것이 현실화 될지도 모른다는 이야기다.
결국, 아사히의 自爆으로 가장 곤란한 입장에 빠진 것은 실질적으로 는 韓國이다. 위안부 이슈를 지탱하던 '증거적 동력'이 위안부 이슈
의 산실(메카)인 아사히에 의해 사실상 와해됐기 때문이다. 日本 정 부는 향후 아사히의 이번 오보인정 件을 유엔 등 국제무대에서 적극
활용하게 될 가능성이 크다. 상대적으로 韓國의 입지는 좁아지는 것 이다. 韓國은 오직, '前위안부의 증언이다'라는 주장밖에는 효과적
인 수단이 없게 됐다.
과거의 완벽한 외교 및 도덕적 승리(고노담화 성립 등) 상태가, 최근 의 과도한 反日로 인해 거의 무승부(고노담화 검증, 아사히 自爆)
상태가 됐고, 향후 최악의 경우, (우리는 끝까지 인정 안하겠지만) '아사히 신문의 오보에 국가차원으로 선동된(놀아난) 韓國'이라는
대외 이미지도 완전 배제할 수 없게 됐다.
反日도 적당히 했으면 완승 상태를 영원히 누릴 수 있었는데, 너무 욕심부리다 무승부쯤에 왔고, 이제 은근히 역전까지 걱정해야 하
는 희한한 상황에 와 있다. 日本內 유력한 親韓 매체의 소실 가능 성은 추가로 안게 될 부담이다. 이같이 상대를 향한 과도한 증오와
집착은 결국 자신에게 손해가 되어 돌아 올 가능성이 크다.
http://www.worldkorean.net/news/articleView.html?idxno=15010
아사히신문, '위안부 강제연행 인정'한 과거기사 취소해 논란
강제연행 없었나?...일본정부나 구 일본군 기록에서 찾아낼 수 있을까?
2014년 08월 08일 (금) 08:22:37 이종환 기자 stonevalley@naver.com
아사히신문이 “위안부를 강제연행했다”는 과거 기사를 취소해 논란을 빚고 있다. 아사히신문은 8월5일 “ ‘제주도에서 연행’, 증언 뒷받침 못해 허위로 판단”이라는 타이틀로 기존보도기사를 취소한다고 알렸다.
신문은 “일본 식민지였던 조선에서 전쟁중 위안부로 삼기 위해 폭력을 사용해 강제로 여성을 끌고 갔다는 내용의 저서를 내고, 집회에서 증언한 남성이 있었다. 아사히신문은 1980년대에서 90년대 초에 기사들에서 이 남성을 다뤘지만, 증언이 허위라는 지적이 있었다”고 밝히며, 이를 재취재한 결과 허위라고 판단해 취소를 결정했다고 밝혔다.
신문에 따르면 문제의 남성은 요시다(吉田淸治)씨다. 그는 자신의 저서 등에서 야마구치현 노무보국회 시모노세키지부 동원부장으로 일용노동자들을 관리하는 일을 했다고 말했다.
아사히신문은 요시다씨의 증언만으로 모두 16회의 기사를 내보냈다고 한다. 1982년 9월2이 오사카본부판 사회면에 첫 기사를 내보내면서 그가 오사카에서 강연하며 “제주도에서 200명의 젊은 조선인여성을 잡아들였다”고 보도했다. 이 기사를 작성안 오사카본부 사회부기자(66세)는 “강연에서의 얘기 내용이 구체적이고 상세해서 전희 의심하지 않았다”고 말했다. 90년대 초에는 다른 신문사도 집회 등에서 증언하는 요시다씨를 기사로 다뤘다.
92년 4월30일 산케이신문은 조간에서 제주도에서 사실을 조사한 결과 요시다씨의 증언에 의문이 있다는 내용의 기사를 게재했으며, 다른 주간지도 ‘창작한 의혹이 있다’고 보도했다. 산케이신문 보도 후 아사히신문 동경본부 사회부 기자(53)가 데스크의 지시를 받아 요시다씨와 만나 증언을 뒷받침할 관계자나 자료를 제공할 것을 요청했으나 거절당했다고 했다.
97년 3월31일 특집기사 취재때 동경본부의 사회부기자(57)가 요시다씨를 만나려 했으나 거절당했다. 허위가 아니냐는 보도가 있다는 점을 전화로 묻자 “체험한 그대로를 적었다”고 답했다고 한다. 제주도에서도 취재를 했으나 요시다씨의 증언이 허위라는 확증이 없었기 때문에 ‘진위는 확인할 수 없었다’고 신문은 보도했다. 그후부터 아사히신문은 요시다씨를 더 이상 기사로 다루지 않았다.
그러던 중 자민당의 아베신조 총재(현 총리)가 2011년 11월 일본기자클럽 주최 당대표 토론회에서 “아사히신문의 오보로 인해서 요시다 같은 사기꾼이 쓴 책이 마치 사실처럼 일본내에 나돌아 문제가 크다”고 발언했다. 이를 바탕으로 일부 신문과 잡지가 아사히신문 비판을 반복했다.
이에 따라 아사히신문은 올해 4-5월 제주도에서 70대 후반에서 90대 나이에 이르는 인사 40명의 얘기를 들었으나 강제연행했다는 요시다씨의 기술을 뒷받침할 증언은 얻을 수 없었다고 했다. 건어물 제조공장에서 수십명의 여성을 끌고갔다고 하는 북서면 마을에서도 어물을 다루는 공장은 촌에서 하나밖에 없고 경영을 맡아온 사람(작고)의 아들은 “캔을 만들고 있다. 여종업원이 끌려갔다는 얘기를 아버지로부터 들은 적이 없다”고 말했다.
요시다씨의 저서를 근거로 해서 제주도를 조사한 한국정신대연구소 전 연구원인 강정숙씨는 “여러곳에서 여러 노인들의 얘기를 들었으나 요시다씨의 증언 내용과 같은 것은 나오지 않았다”고 말했다. 요시다씨는 저서에서 “1943년 5월 군의 동원명령으로 제주도에 갔고, 명령서에 적힌 내용이 부인(작고)의 일기에 남아 있다”고 썼다. 하지만 이번에 요시다씨의 장남(64)한테 취재한 바, 부인은 일기를 적지 않았다는 점을 확인했다. 요시다씨는 2000년 7월 사망했다고 한다.
요시다씨는 1993년 5월 요시미(吉見義明) 주오대 교수와 면담할 때 “(강제연행했다)는 일시와 장소를 바뀐 경우도 있었다”면서 동원명령서 내용이 적힌 일기를 제시하는 것도 거절했다고 한다. 전시중 조선반도의 동원 문제를 연구한 소토무라(外村大) 동경대 교수는 요시다씨가 소속했다는 노무보국회는 후생성과 내무성의 지시로 만들어진 조직이라면서 “지휘계통으로 봐서 군이 동원명령의 내는 것도, 직원이 직접 조선으로 파견되는 것도 생각하기 어렵다”고 말했다.
요시다씨는 강제연행했다는 1943년 5월당시 제주도는 육군부대 본부가 군정을 펴고 있었다고 설명했으나 이 점에 대해서도 나가이(永井和) 교토대교수(일본근현대사)는 일본군 자료에 따르면 제주도에 육군이 대부대를 집결한 것은 1945년 4월 이후부터라고 지적, “기술 내용이 사실이라고 생각하기 어렵다”고 말했다.
이 같은 내용을 소개한 뒤 아사히신문은 ‘독자여러분께’라는 글을 덧붙여“요시다씨가 제주도에서 위안부를 강제연행했다는 증언은 거짓이라고 판단해 (과거 관련) 기사를 취소한다"고 밝혔다. "신문은 당시 거짓 증언을 꿰뚫어보지 못했다. 제주도를 재취재했으나 증언을 뒷받침할 얘기를 듣지 못했다. 학자들을 상대로 한 취재에서도 증언의 핵심부분에 대해 모순이 있는 것으로 밝혀졌다”면서 기사 취소를 공식화했다.
아사히신문의 돌연한 기사 취소로 인해 종군위안부 강제연행에 대한 논란이 다시 점화될 전망이다. 위안부 할머니들의 증언이 아닌 강제연행자의 증언이나, 이를 뒷받침할 일본정부나 구일본군의 공식 자료가 절실한 시점이다. 일본이나 다른 나라에서 이를 증명할 내용의 자료가 나올 수 있을까?
http://www.47news.jp/korean/korean_peninsula/2014/08/095259.html
coment
아사히 신문 “위안부 강제연행” 증언, 1992년부터 ‘허위’ 의혹 제기
14/08/06 20:10
아사히(朝日) 신문은 5일 자 조간신문 기사에 이어 6일 자 기사에서도 자사의 구 일본군 위안부에 관한 보도를 검증하는 기사를 게재했다. 아사히 신문이 검증을 통해 ‘허위’라고 판단하고 기사를 취소한 “한국 제주도에서 강제연행했다”는 일본인 남성의 증언은 1992년경부터 전문가들 사이에서 신빙성을 의심하는 목소리가 나온 바 있다. 교도통신은 남성의 증언을 1991년 12월 이후 7차례 보도했지만, 1992년 8월 기사를 마지막으로 이후로는 기사화하지 않았다.
남성은 전 야마구치현(山口県) 노무보국회(労務報国会) 시모노세키(下関)지부 동원부장인 고(故) 요시다 세이지(吉田清治) 씨로 ‘조선인 위안부와 일본인’, ‘나의 전쟁범죄―조선인 강제연행’ 등의 저서를 남겼다. 저서 등에서 위안부에 동원하기 위해 폭력을 사용해 강제로 여성들을 연행했다는 등의 증언을 한 바 있다.
교도통신은 요시다 씨가 집회에서 한 발언과 취재를 바탕으로 “젖먹이 아이를 안고 있는 아기 엄마까지 겨드랑이 밑으로 양팔을 넣어 목 뒤를 죄어 트럭에 태웠다”, “조선반도에서 약 천 명의 여성을 위안부로 전선에 내보냈다”는 등의 증언과 경력을 기사로 소개했다.
요시다 씨의 증언과 관련해서는 제주도 현지에 증언을 뒷받침할 만한 증거가 없는 점과 위안부 측과의 증언과 부합되지 않는다는 등의 지적이 1992년 경부터 제기된 바 있다.【교도통신】
조선반도
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14/08/06 20:10
아사히 신문 “위안부 강제연행” 증언, 1992년부터 ‘허위’ 의혹 제기
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14/08/06 14:55
韓 합천에서 피폭자 추모제…“지원법 제정, 교과서 기술” 등 호소Photo
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北 특별조사위, 납치보고 9월 제2주 이후…日北 국장급협의 조율(종합)
http://joongang.joins.com/article/895/15453895.html?ctg=1300
글자크기 글자 크게글자 작게
일본 우익 "위안부 날조"주장했다 망신
[중앙일보] 입력 2014.08.05 18:41
일본 아사히(朝日)신문은 5일 위안부 문제와 관련한 각종 의문과 보수우익 세력이 제기하는 '아사히 날조론'에 대해 조목조목 반박하는 특집기사를 게재했다.
스기우라 노부유키(杉浦信之) 편집담당 임원이 1면에 '위안부 문제의 본질, 직시를'이란 제목의 칼럼을, 위안부문제 취재반이 16·17면에 '위안부 문제 어떻게 전해왔는가, 독자의 의문에 답합니다'란 제목의 심층 분석 기사를 실었다.
아사히는 "위안부 문제 보도를 되돌아보고 독자에 설명하는 책임을 다하는 것이 미래를 향한 새로운 논의를 시작하는 첫걸음이 될 것으로 생각했다"며 5, 6일자 이틀 동안 위안부 특집을 게재하는 이유를 설명했다.
위안부 관련 보도의 선구자 역할을 해 온 아사히는 이날 과거 일부 기사의 오류에 대해선 솔직히 인정하면서도 "위안부로서 자유를 박탈당하고 여성으로서의 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질"이라며 일본 내 보수세력의 '책임 부정론'에 대해 경고했다.
신문은 ^'제주도 (강제)연행'증언의 허구 여부 ^강제연행 유무 ^일본군의 관여를 증명하는 자료 유무 ^'정신대'와의 혼동 ^전 위안부의 최초증언 사실 왜곡 여부 등으로 구분해 그 동안 취재, 검증해 온 내용을 상세히 보도했다.
눈길을 끄는 대목은 위안부 문제 보도 초기인 1982년 9월 아사히의 기사를 취소한 부분. 아사히는 당시 "2차 대전 당시 제주도에서 200명의 젊은 조선인 여성을 사냥하다시피 해 강제로 끌고 갔다"고 증언한 일본인 요시다 세이지(吉田淸治·사망)의 주장에 기반해 기사를 작성했다. 이후 요시다 증언의 신빙성에 문제가 제기됐다. 아베 총리는 2012년 11월 당수 토론에서 "아사히신문의 오보에 의해 요시다라고 하는 사기꾼과 같은 자가 만든 책이 마치 사실처럼 일본 내에 퍼져 (위안부) 문제가 커져 버렸다"고 아사히를 맹비난했다. 아사히는 이날 지면에서 "올 4~5월에 취재팀이 제주도를 찾아 70대 후반에서 90대의 주민 40명을 대상으로 취재한 결과 '강제연행'했다는 요시다의 말을 뒷받침할만한 증언을 얻지 못했다. 증언을 거짓으로 판단해 기사를 취소한다"고 밝혔다.
하지만 아사히는 떳떳한 반성과 더불어 90년대 초 보수성향의 산케이(産經)와 요미우리(讀賣) 신문 또한 요시다의 증언을 비중 있게 보도했던 사실도 지적했다. 일방적으로 아사히만을 비난할 상황이 아니란 주장이다.
아사히는 '강제연행'에 대해선 "일본군 등이 위안부를 직접 연행했다는 일 정부의 공문서가 발견되지 않았다는 걸 근거로 '강제연행은 없었다'며 국가의 책임이 전혀 없다는 식의 주장을 일부 정치인이나 식자들이 반복해 왔다"며 "(식민지 혹은 점령지였던 한국·대만·인도네시아 등의 사례에서) 공통되는 건 여성들이 본인의 의사에 반해 위안부가 되는 강제성이 있었다는 것"이라고 강조했다. 신문은 90년대 초 주로 군수공장에 동원된 '정신대'와 위안부를 혼동해 쓴 사실도 인정했다.
스기우라 편집담당 임원은 "과거의 일부 부정확했던 보도가 위안부 문제에 대한 이해를 어지럽히고 있다는 지적도 있지만 그걸 이유로 '위안부 문제는 날조''전 위안부에 사과할 이유가 없다'등의 주장을 하는 데는 결코 동의할 수 없다"며 "피해자를 '매춘부'등으로 폄하해 자국의 명예를 지키려고 하는 일부의 논조가 일·한 양국의 내셔널리즘을 자극해 문제를 꼬이게 하는 원인을 만들고 있기 때문"이라고 지적했다.
도쿄=김현기 특파원 luckyman@joongang.co.kr
http://www.ytn.co.kr/_ln/0104_201408091805205162
아베 "위안부 강제연행, 미확인 견해 입증"
기사나도한마디
2014-08-09 17:42페이스북 보내기트위터 보내기네이트온 보내기마이피플 보내기뉴스스탠드 설정하기목록 보기인쇄하기폰트크게폰트작게
아사히신문이 일본군 위안부에 관한 과거 보도에 일부 오류가 있었다고 인정한 것과 관련해 아베 신조 일본 총리는 위안부 강제연행 기록이 확인되지 않았다는 견해가 옳다는 것이 입증된 셈이라고 주장했습니다.
아베 총리는 산케이신문과의 인터뷰에서 '제1차 아베 정권에서 정부 발견 자료 가운데 군이나 관헌에 의한 강제연행을 보여주는 기술은 발견되지 않았다는 각의 결정을 한 것이 틀리지 않았다는 것이 증명됐다'고 말했습니다.
앞서 아사히신문은 지난 5일 일본군 위안부 특집기사에서 '자유를 박탈당하고, 여성으로서의 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질'이라며, 요시다 세이지 씨의 증언이 거짓이라고 판단해 1980년대에서 90년대에 보도한 관련 기사를 취소했습니다.
요시다 씨는 일본이 제주도에서 다수 여성을 강제로 끌고 가 위안부로 삼았다는 증언을 했습니다.
아베 총리의 이번 발언은 아사히신문의 기사 취소를 계기로 고노담화 취소나 일본정부 면책론을 주장하는 우익 세력의 움직임에 힘을 실어 주려는 의도로 풀이됩니다.
http://www.ohmynews.com/NWS_Web/view/at_pg.aspx?CNTN_CD=A0002020470
아사히신문, 침묵깨고 군위안부 특집..."본질 직시하자"
"자유 뺏긴채 여성존엄 유린당한 것이 문제 본질"
14.08.05 12:25l최종 업데이트 14.08.05 12:25l연합뉴스(yonhap)
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(도쿄=연합뉴스) 조준형 특파원 = 일본군 위안부 문제가 일본 사회에 알려지는 데 큰 역할을 한 아사히신문이 5일 2개면 이상을 할애한 특집기사를 통해 여성에 대한 자유의 박탈과 존엄 유린 등 일본군 위안부 문제의 본질을 직시하자고 제언했다.
아사히는 일본 우익인사들이 부정하는 군위안부 강제연행에 대해 "일본의 식민지였던 조선과 대만에서는 군의 의향을 받은 업체가 '좋은 일이 있다'고 속여 많은 여성을 모집하는 것이 가능했다"며 "군(軍) 등이 조직적으로 납치와 같은 연행을 한 자료는 발견되지 않는다"고 적었다.
하지만, 신문은 "인도네시아 등 일본군의 점령하에 있던 지역에서는 군이 현지 여성을 강제연행한 것을 나타내는 자료가 확인되고 있다"며 "(한국·대만과 인도네시아 등의 사례에서) 공통되는 것은 여성들이 본인의 의사에 반해 위안부가 된 강제성이 있었다는 것"이라고 강조했다.
또 아사히의 스기우라 노부유키(杉浦信之) 편집담당자는 이날 자 1면에 실은 칼럼을 통해 "전쟁 중 일본군 병사들의 성(性) 상대가 되길 강요당한 여성이 있었던 사실은 지울 수 없다"며 "위안부로서 자유를 박탈당하고, 여성으로서의 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질"이라고 지적했다.
그는 또 "이웃과 미래지향의 안정적인 관계를 구축하는 데 있어 위안부 문제는 피할 수 없는 과제 중 하나"라며 "우리는 앞으로도 변함없는 자세로 이 문제를 보도해 나갈 것"이라고 밝혔다.
다만, 아사히는 2차대전 때 제주도에서 다수 여성을 강제로 끌고 갔다고 증언한 일본인 요시다 세이지(吉田淸治·사망) 씨의 주장에 기반해 작성한 1980∼90년대의 자사 기사들에 대해 "요시다가 제주도에서 군위안부를 강제연행했다고 증언한 것은 거짓이라고 판단하고 기사를 취소한다"고 밝혔다.
산케이 신문을 포함, 군위안부와 관련한 일본의 책임을 부정하는 쪽으로부터 집요하게 공격받았던 요시다 관련 기사에 대해 오류를 공식 인정한 것이다.
그러면서 아사히는 "일부 부정확한 보도가 위안부 문제에 대한 이해를 어지럽히고 있다는 지적도 있지만 그것을 이유로 '위안부 문제는 날조'라고 하는 주장과 '위안부 피해자에게 사과할 이유가 없다'고 하는 논의에는 결코 동의할 수 없다"고 못박았다.
아사히는 군위안부 문제를 알리는데 선구자 역할을 했지만 최근 아베 신조(安倍晋三) 정권이 군위안부 강제동원을 인정한 고노(河野)담화의 검증결과를 공개하고, 산케이 등 보수 매체들이 일본의 책임을 부정하는 '여론몰이'를 하는 동안 적극적인 문제제기를 피하는 듯한 인상을 줬다.
<저작권자(c)연합뉴스. 무단전재-재배포금지.>
태그:군 위안부, 아사히 신문 태그입력
http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/international/japan/650148.html
일 자민당, ‘위안부 반성’ 아사히 보도도 검증 시사
등록 : 2014.08.06 20:12수정 : 2014.08.06 22:21툴바메뉴
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6일 오후 서울 종로구 중학동 일본대사관 앞에서 열린 정기 수요집회에서 초등학생 이화윤양이 일본군 위안부 피해자 할머니에게 드리는 편지를 낭독한 뒤 이용수 할머니와 포옹하고 있다. 박종식 기자 anaki@hani.co.kr
아사히, 이틀째 ‘위안부 특집’
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이시바 간사장 “의회서 검증 필요”
‘강제성 부정’ 우익세력들도 공세
“위안부 문제의 본질은 인간 존엄성을 박탈한 것”이라며 일본 사회의 반성을 촉구한 <아사히신문>의 특집 기사에 대해, 일본 우익세력이 공격에 나섰다. 특히 신문이 일본군 위안부 문제를 다룬 자사의 과거 기사에 일부 오류가 있었다고 인정한 점을 빌미 삼아, 우익 언론들은 위안부 문제로 일본이 부당한 공격을 받고 있다는 주장을 강화하고 있다.
이시바 시게루 집권 자민당 간사장은 <아사히신문>의 위안부 관련 기사에 대해 의회에서 검증할 뜻을 내비쳤다고 일본 언론들이 6일 보도했다. 이시바 간사장은 5일 일본군 위안부에 대한 과거 기사들은 “지역의 평화와 안정, 이웃나라와의 우호, 국민 감정에 큰 영향을 끼쳤기 때문에, 의회에서 검증할 필요가 있을 수도 있다”고 말했다. 그는 “(<아사히신문>은) 일본에 대한 분노와 슬픔을 갖게 된 나라, 특히 한국에 대해 책임이 있다”고도 말했다. 관련자를 의회에 소환할 생각이냐는 질문에는 “우리 당의 담당자가 어떻게 판단하느냐에 달려 있다”며 의회 소환 가능성도 열어뒀다.
<아사히신문>은 5일치에서 ‘위안부 문제의 본질을 직시하자’는 특집 기사들을 내보내면서, 제주도에서 위안부 강제연행을 했다고 증언한 요시다 세이지의 주장을 1980~1990년대에 보도했으나 이 증언의 신빙성이 의심돼 해당 기사는 취소한다고 밝혔다.
일본 우익세력은 이를 위안부 모집의 강제성 자체를 부정하는 계기로 삼으려는 의도를 내비치고 있다. 극우인 <산케이신문>은 6일 “고노 담화는 근거 없이 작문됐다. 위안부가 강제연행됐다는 주장의 근거는 이미 무너졌다”고 주장했다. 고노 담화는 1993년 위안부 모집의 강제성을 인정한 일본 정부의 담화다. <산케이신문>은 이날 “<아사히신문>이 잘못을 인정하고 기사를 취소하는 데 30년 이상이나 걸린 탓에 국제사회에서 일본에 대한 나쁜 인상을 심었고 일본의 명예가 손상당했다”는 니시오카 쓰토무 도쿄기독교대 교수의 주장도 보도했다. 위안부 강제연행을 부정하는 데 앞장서 온 하시모토 도루 오사카 시장도 이날 “(요시다 기사가 처음 나온 1982년부터) 32년간 잘못을 인정하지 않은 것은 <아사히신문>의 큰 죄”라며 “(요시다) 증언이 근거가 돼 (위안부) 강제연행이 있었다고 (일본이) 국제사회의 부당한 비판을 받아왔다”고 말했다.
<아사히신문>은 5일에 이어 6일치에도 위안부 관련 특집 기사를 2개면에 걸쳐 보도했다. 6일 기사들 중에는 전문가 3인이 이 신문의 위안부 보도 기사를 평가한 글도 있었다. 아베 신조 정부의 고노 담화 검증 작업에 참여한 하타 이쿠히코는 기고문에서 “미군이 버마에서 조선인 위안부를 심문한 보고서를 보면 위안부가 한달에 300~1500엔을 벌었다는 이야기가 나온다. 한국군이 베트남에서 저지른 성범죄에 대해서도 추적해야 한다는 목소리도 있다”며 일본 우익의 시각을 드러냈다. 반면, 요시미 요시아키 주오대 교수는 자사 보도에 대한 검증 작업을 벌인 <아사히신문>의 보도를 긍정적으로 평가하지만 “피해자에게 다가가려는 자세가 지면에서 보이지 않는다”고 지적했다. 그는 “<아사히신문> 기사는 한일 양국 정부의 공방 끝에 위안부 문제가 악화됐다는 식으로 읽히는데, (위안부 문제의) 가장 큰 원인은 피해자의 목소리를 확실히 직시하지 않으려는 일본 정부의 자세에 있다”고 썼다.
조기원 기자 garden@hani.co.kr
http://daily.hankooki.com/lpage/world/201408/dh20140806100204138450.htm
아사히 '군위안부 보도'에 日보수·우익지 '파상공세'
(도쿄=연합뉴스) 이세원기자
입력시간 : 2014/08/06 10:02:04수정시간 : 2014.08.10 00:31:11
페이스북 트위터 구글 북마크 네이버 북마크 싸이월드 공감 기사 글자 크게보기 기사 글자 작게보기 인쇄 기사 메일 보내기 기사 구매
아사히(朝日)신문이 일본군 위안부 문제에 관한 특집기사를 내고 "군 위안부 문제의 본질을 직시하라"고 제언하면서 과거 기사의 일부에 오류가 있었다며 취소하자 일본 보수·우익 신문이 파상적인 공세를 폈다.
일본군 위안부 동원의 강제성을 인정한 고노(河野)담화의 검증·철회를 주장해 온 극우 성향의 산케이(産經)신문은 6일 사설에서 "근거없이 작문된 1993년 고노담화 등에서의 위안부가 강제연행됐다는 주장의 근거는 이미 붕괴됐다"고 규정했다.
이 신문은 기사를 취소한다는 표현이 특집 기사에 들어 있지만 1면 기사나 제목에는 없다며 삭제대상 기사 정도는 명기해야 한다고 지적했다.
또 아사히신문의 보도가 한일 관계 악화의 발단이 됐음에도 전문가의 연구 부족 등으로 책임을 떠넘겼다고 비난했다.
산케이신문은 그동안 자사가 "고노담화가 허구적"이라고 주장하고 요시다 세이지(吉田淸治·사망) 씨의 증언이 거짓이라고 밝힌 것은 사실이 쌓여 역사 인식이 바르게 전해질 것으로 믿었기 때문이라며 자사의 취재·보도를 부각했다.
앞서 아사히신문은 5일 특집기사를 내면서 '요시다가 제주도에서 군 위안부를 강제연행했다고 증언한 것이 거짓이라고 판단해 1980∼90년대에 게재한 관련 기사를 취소한다'고 밝혔다.
산케이신문은 '아사히신문이 잘못을 인정하고 기사를 취소하는 데 30년이나 걸린 탓에 국제사회에서 일본에 대한 나쁜 인상을 심었고 일본의 명예가 손상당했다'는 니시오카 쓰토무(西岡力) 도쿄기독교대 교수의 견해를 함께 실었다.
요미우리(讀賣)신문은 문제가 된 아사히신문의 보도가 한국의 반일 여론은 물론 일본에 대한 잘못된 인식을 세계에 심는 근거 중 하나였으며 좀 더 일찍 정정했어야 했다고 평가했다.
이와 관련해 최근 일본 정부의 고노담화 검증에 참여한 역사학자 하타 이쿠히코(秦郁彦) 씨가 1992년 요시다 씨의 증언에 관해 의문을 제기했지만, 기사가 수정되지 않았다고 문제 삼았다.
일본군 위안부 동원의 강제성이나 문제점을 물리적인 강제연행의 문제로 좁게 해석하고서 '정부 자료에 군이나 관헌에 의한 강제연행을 직접 보여주는 기술이 없다'는 식으로 물타기를 해온 일본 우익세력은 아사히신문의 기사 취소를 계기로 일본 정부의 책임을 부정하는 언동을 강화할 것으로 예상된다.
이시바 시게루(石破茂) 자민당 간사장이 아사히신문 관계자를 국회에 소환할 수도 있다는 뜻을 내비친 것을 신호탄으로 이런 시도가 이어질 것으로 보인다.
반면 일본 내 군 위안부 문제 권위자인 요시미 요시아키(吉見義明) 주오(中央)대 교수는 "자유를 박탈당하고, 여성으로서의 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질"이라는 5일자 아사히신문 보도에 관해 "여성들의 의사에 반해 위안부로 삼았다는 강제성에 문제의 본질이 있다는 것을 명확히 했다"고 평가했다.
군 위안부 동원에 관해 일본 정부가 책임져야 한다고 주장해 온 한국과 일본의 시민단체·학자 등은 인도네시아 바타비아(현 자카르타)에서 열린 BC급 전범 군사재판 기록에서 강제 연행 사실이 확인된다는 점을 누차 밝혀왔다.
또 여성에 대한 전시 성폭력·성노에 문제인 군 위안부 제도를 강제 연행 여부에 국한해 접근하는 것은 사안에 대한 총체적인 이해를 저해할 수 있다며 경계해 왔다.
http://www3.nhk.or.jp/nhkworld/korean/top/news06.html
일미 외상, 납치 문제와 대 북조선 문제 공조 확인해
미얀마를 방문 중인 기시다 일본 외상은 케리 미 국무장관과 회담하고, 납치 문제를 둘러싼 북조선과의 협의와 관련해 "납치, 핵, 미사일 문제를 포괄적으로 해결해야 한다는 것이 일본의 일관된 입장"이라며 이해를 구하고, 대 북조선 정책과 관련해 앞으로도 긴밀히 공조해 가기로 합의했습니다.
기시다 외상은 미얀마의 수도 네피도에서 일본 시간으로 9일 오후, 케리 미 국무장관과 약 50분에 걸쳐 회담했습니다.
회담에서 기시다 외상은 납치 문제를 둘러싼 북조선과의 협의와 관련해, 북조선 측이 납치 피해자 등의 조사를 실시하고 있어 늦여름에서 초가을에 걸쳐 첫 조사결과가 일본 측으로 전달될 예정인 것 등을 설명하고, 대 북조선 정책과 관련해 앞으로도 긴밀히 공조해 가기로 합의했습니다.
기시다 외상은 또, 케리 장관이 이라크 북부에서 이슬람 과격파 조직에 대한 선별 공습을 실시했다고 설명한 데 대해, "일본 정부는 지금까지 이라크와 미국에 의한 테러와의 전쟁을 지지해왔고, 이번 선별 공습 또한 그 일환으로 이라크 정부의 동의 하에 실시된 공격으로 이해하고 있다"고 밝혔습니다.
뉴스
http://news.tvchosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2014/08/09/2014080990127.html
[주말뉴스 토] 아베 "위안부 강제연행 미확인 입증"
정원석 기자
등록 2014.08.09 19:18 / 수정 2014.08.09 19:23
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글자확대글자축소이메일로 보내기인쇄하기
[앵커]
먼저 일본 아사히 신문 보도와 일본 정부의 적반하장 태도 관련 소식 전해드리겠습니다. 일본의 아사히 신문은 최근 특집 보도를 통해 제주 위안부 강제연행을 증언한 한 일본 인사의 발언이 확인되지 않는다며 그 보도를 취소한다고 밝혔습니다. 정론직필로 일본의 지식인 사회의 비판적 담론을 형성해 왔던 이 신문이 사실 확인이 안된 부분을 바로 잡은 것이지 위안부 문제에 비판적인 논조에는 변함이 없음을 분명히 밝혔습니다.
그런데 일본의 보수 언론들이 위안부 강제 동원과 관련해 아시히 마저도 오류를 인정했다는 식으로 공세를 펴고 있습니다. 더욱 가관인 것은 아베 총리가 여기에 끼어들어 "위안부를 강제연행한 사료를 못 찾았다"는 자신들의 입장이 확인된 것이라는 어이없는 주장을 하고 있습니다. 악화된 한일관계도 아사히신문 탓이라고 하고 있습니다.
정원석 기자입니다.
[리포트]
아베 신조 일본 총리가 문제의 산케이 신문을 통해 위안부 강제성을 부인하는 발언을 했습니다.
단독 인터뷰 형식에서 아베는 "아사히신문이 강제연행 증언을 취소하면서 군이나 관헌 등이 강제연행을 했다는 기술이 발견되지 않았다는 기존 결정이 잘못된 것이 아님이 증명됐다"고 말했습니다.
또 "아사히신문의 당시 보도가 사실로 받아들여지면서, 한일 관계에 큰 영향을 주고 교과서에까지 강제연행이 기술됐다"고 밝혔습니다. 꼬인 양국 관계마저 슬그머니 아사히 신문 탓으로 돌린 것입니다.
위안부 문제는 일본의 잘못임을 인정하는 아사히신문과 대비해 전쟁 면책론이나 고노담화 취소 등 총공세로 맞서는 우익세력에 힘을 실어준 것이나 마찬가지.
아사히신문은 최근 위안부 문제를 특집으로 다루면서 지난 80-90년대 제주 위안부 강제연행을 증언한 요시다 세이지의 발언이 확인되지 않는다며 그와 관련한 보도를 취소한다고 밝힌 바 있습니다.
그러면서도 문제의 본질은 여성 인권 탄압에 있다며 위안부 문제에 미온적인 아베 정부에 대해선 비판적 자세를 유지했습니다.
하지만, 산케이를 필두로 요미우리 등 일본 우익 언론과 아베 정부는 문제의 본질은 외면한 채 강제연행은 확인되지 않는다며 적반하장격 행보를 이어가고 있습니다.
TV조선 정원석입니다.
http://korean.cri.cn/1620/2014/08/08/1s216531.htm
일본 아사히신붕 위안부문제 관련한 일부 보도 철회
2014-08-08 15:55:21 cri 글씨크기: A A A
일본 아사히신붕의 위안부문제와 관련한 보도가 최근 일본 각 계층에서 비교적 큰 반향을 불러 일으켰으며 또한 일본 우익여론의 맹렬한 비평을 받았습니다. 압력때문에 아사히신붕은 5일과 6일 연속 이틀동안 위안부와 관련한 특집을 게재했으며 일부 보도를 철회했습니다.
5일부터 일본 아사히신붕은 연속 이틀동안 그 조간지에 위안부와 관련한 과거보도에 대한 조사의 글을 게재했습니다. 이 신문은 한국 제주도에서 여성을 강제적으로 끌어갔다고 한 일본국적 남성의 증언은 사실이 아니라고 하면서 이에 앞선 관련 보도를 철회한다고 표했습니다.
이 남성은 야마구치현 노무보국회 전 지부동원부장 요시다 세이지로 알려졌습니다. 그는 "조선위안부와 일본인", "나의 전쟁범죄, 조선인 강제연행"등 저서를 썼습니다. 요시다는 저서에서 자기는 일찍 폭력으로 여성을 위안부로 강제연행했다고 서술했습니다. 일본의 일부 매체는 요시다의 집회발언과 본인에 대한 특별취재에 근거하여 "약 1천명의 여성이 조선반도에서 전쟁터에 보내져 위안부로 되었다"등 증언과 경력을 보도했습니다. 아사히신붕이 이에 앞서 요시다의 증언에 대해 게제한 보도는 일본 우익세력의 강력한 불만을 자아냈습니다. 일본 우익세력이 통제하고 있는 여론은 요시다가 현재 이미 사망했으며 이밖에 제주도 현지에 증거가 없고 위안부측도 관련 증언이 없기 때문에 사실을 확인하기 어렵다고 하면서 이에 앞선 아사히신붕의 위안부문제 조사의 글에는 사실이 아닌 내용이 존재한다고 주장했습니다.
보수경향의 산케이신붕은 앞장서서 아사히신붕을 비판했습니다. 산케이신붕은 6일 제1면에 "아사히신붕의 위안부문제와 관련한 보도는 잘못된 것이다"라는 보도를 게재했으며 또 제2면과 제3면, 제8면에 비판글을 집중 게재했습니다. 요미우리신붕은 "위안부가 자유를 박탈당하고 여성의 존엄이 여지없이 짓밟혔으며 이것이 문제의 본질이다"라고 한 아사히신붕의 내용을 비난했습니다. 요미우리신붕은 아사히신붕이 위안부문제는 광범한 의미에서 강제성을 갖고 있으며 때문에 이 일과 관련하여 일본정부에 책임을 추궁해야 한다고 한것은 개념을 몰래 바꾼 것이라고 주장했습니다.
일부 매체는 자민당 이시바 시게루 간사장이 최근 아시히신붕을 비평했다고 전했습니다. 이시바 시게루 간사장은 아사히신붕의 보도는 지역의 평화와 안정, 이웃 나라와의 친선 그리고 국민의 감정에 영향을 미쳤다고 하면서 의회에서 검증을 진행할 필요가 있으며 그때 가서 아사히신붕의 관련 인원을 불러 국회에서 증언하게 할 수 있다고 말했습니다. 여러측의 압력에 못이겨 아사히신붕은 결국 관련 보도를 철회한다고 선포했습니다.
유엔 인권고등판무관 나비 필레이는 6일 성명을 발표하고 일본정부의 위안부문제 대응조치를 엄격히 비평했습니다. 그는 일본정부가 위안부문제에서 전면적이고 공정하며 영구한 해결을 모색하는데서 실패했다고 하면서 자기는 이에 대해 깊은 유감을 표한다고 말했습니다. 필레이 판무관은 또한 위안부 피해자 등은 전쟁이 종식된 수십년동안 인권에서 여전히 침범을 받았다고 하면서 이 문제는 역사문제가 아니라 현시점에서의 문제이며 하루라도 빨리 정의를 실현하지 않고 배상 하지 않는다면 인권침범이 계속될 것이라고 강조했습니다. 필레이 판무관은 일본 관변측인사의 부인과 비하성적인 발언은 위안부에게 극심한 고통을 주었다고 지적했습니다. 유엔 인권위원회는 7월 일본의 인권상황과 관련해 최종문건을 발표하고 일본정부가 위안부문제와 관련하여 사과하며 국가적 책임을 승인할 것을 요구했습니다.
필레이의 발언은 일본정부에 큰 불쾌감을 주었습니다. 일본 스가 요시히데 관방장관은 위안부문제가 일본과 한국의 청구권 협정에 따라 전적으로 해결되었다고 반박하고 이는 일본의 일관한 입장이라고 강조했습니다. 그는 일본정부는 또한 이 문제에 대한 자체입장을 국제사회에 끊임없이 설명할 것이라고 말했습니다.
http://stock.asiae.co.kr/news/view.htm?idxno=2014080510195603367
"위안부는 女인권유린…강제성 인정"日아사히 특집보도
최종수정 2014.08.05 11:10기사입력 2014.08.05 11:10
[아시아경제 박병희 기자] 일본의 유력 일간 아사히(朝日)신문이 5일 위안부 특집 기사에서 '일본군 위안부 문제는 여성의 인권 유린이었다'는 본질을 직시하자고 주장했다.
아사히는 일본군 위안부 문제와 관련해 여성 본인의 의사에 반해 위안부가 된 강제성이 인정된다고 지적했다.
아사히는 "군(軍) 등이 조직적으로 납치 같은 연행을 한 자료는 발견되지 않는다"면서도 "그러나 인도네시아 등 일본군 점령 아래 있던 지역에서는 군이 현지 여성을 강제 연행한 듯한 자료가 확인되고 있다"고 강조했다.
아사히는 이어 "일본의 식민지였던 조선과 대만에서는 군으로부터 위탁 받은 업체가 '좋은 일이 있다'고 속여 많은 여성을 모집하는 게 가능했다"고 지적했다. 일본 우익 인사들이 부정하는 군 위안부 강제 연행에 대해 정면으로 반박한 것이다.
아사히의 스기우라 노부유키(杉浦信之) 편집 담당자는 이날 1면 칼럼을 통해 "전쟁 중 일본군의 성(性) 상대가 되길 강요당한 여성이 있었다는 것은 지울 수 없는 사실"이라며 "위안부로 자유를 박탈당하고 여성으로서 존엄을 짓밟힌 게 문제의 본질"이라고 꼬집었다.
그는 "이웃과 미래지향의 안정적 관계를 구축하는 데 해결해야 할 과제 가운데 하나가 위안부 문제"라며 "우리는 앞으로도 변함없는 자세로 위안부 문제를 보도해 나갈 것"이라고 밝혔다.
아사히는 논란이 됐던 1980~1990년대 자사 기사들에 일부 오류가 있었다는 점도 인정했다. 해당 기사들은 2차대전 당시 제주도에서 다수 여성을 강제로 끌고 갔다고 증언한 일본인 요시다 세이지(吉田淸治·사망)씨의 주장에 기반해 작성한 것이다. 이와 관련해 아사히는 "요시다씨가 제주도에서 군 위안부 강제 연행에 나섰다고 증언한 것은 거짓이라고 판단해 기사를 취소한다"고 밝혔다.
그러나 아사히는 "일부 부정확한 보도가 위안부 문제에 대한 이해를 어지럽히고 있다는 지적도 있다"면서 "그렇다고 이를 이유로 '위안부 문제는 날조'라는 주장과 '위안부 피해자에게 사과할 이유가 없다'는 논의에는 결코 동의할 수 없다"고 못박았다.
박병희 기자 nut@asiae.co.kr
http://www.koreadaily.com/news/read.asp?art_id=2732776
위안부 문제 놓고 … 일본 신문들의 전쟁
아사히 '본질 직시'특집 기사서 과거 일부 기사 오류 인정하자
요미우리 등 "책임 져야"공격
댓글 1 [조인스] 기사입력 2014/08/08 19:37
스크랩
일본 아사히(朝日)신문이 5, 6일 2회에 걸쳐 게재한 위안부 관련 특집기사에 대해 일본 우파 언론들이 파상공세를 펼쳤다. “위안부 문제 본질을 직시해야 미래가 있다”는 기사 취지는 아랑곳없이 일부 기사의 오류를 인정한 것에 대해 기다렸다는 듯 “위안부 강제동원은 허구였다”는 식의 주장들이 이어졌다. 이들 우익 언론들은 한·일 관계가 악화된 모든 책임은 아사히 신문 위안부 기사에 있는 것처럼 몰아가고 있다. 보수 정치권도 관련 기사를 국회에서 검증할 필요가 있다며 군불을 때고 있다.
보수성향의 산케이(産經)와 요미우리(讀賣)신문이 맨 앞에서 ‘아사히 때리기’에 나섰다. 산케이는 6일 1면에 ‘아사히 위안부 보도 잘못’이란 기사를 비롯, 2·3·8면에 집중적으로 비판 기사를 실었다. 특히 사설에선 “위안부 강제 연행의 근간이 무너졌다”고 주장했다. “제주도에서 205명의 젊은 조선인 여성을 사냥하다시피 해 강제로 끌고 갔다”는 일본인 요시다 세이지(吉田淸治·사망)의 주장을 뒷받침할 만한 증언을 새로 찾지 못한 아사히가 기사를 취소한 데 대한 것이다. 산케이는 이어 위안부 동원의 강제성을 인정한 1993년 고노(河野)담화를 “근거 없이 작문됐다”고 못박았다. 산케이는 또 “자국(일본)의 명예를 지키려는 일부 논조가 한·일 양국의 민족주의를 자극하고 문제를 악화시킨다”는 아사히 지적엔 “책임을 전가하고 있다”고 몰아 부쳤다.
요미우리 신문도 ‘아사히 32년후의 철회, 강제연행 증언은 허위’란 1면 기사 등 4개면에 걸쳐 아사히를 성토했다. 91년 8월 보도된 위안부 출신 여성에 대해서는 “기생 학교에 다닌 사실이 나중에 밝혀졌지만 언급되지 않았다”며 전체 위안부 피해 여성들을 폄하했다. 요미우리는 또 최근 고노담화 검증에 참여한 역사학자 하타 이쿠히코(秦郁彦)가 92년 요시다 증언에 의문을 제기했지만 수정되지 않았다며 “20년 넘게 방치한 아사히 책임이 매우 무겁다”고 평가했다. “위안부로서 자유를 박탈당하고 여성으로서 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질”이란 아사히 주장에 대해선 “넓은 의미의 강제성이 있었다고 일본 정부 책임을 묻는 것은 ‘논의 바꿔치기’”라며 보수세력의 ‘책임 부정론’을 거들었다.
자민당도 우익 언론 편들기에 동참했다. 마이니치(每日)신문에 따르면 이시바 시게루(石破茂) 간사장은 5일 “지역의 평화·안정, 이웃나라와의 우호, 국민감정에 영향을 끼친 보도”라며 “의회에서 검증할 필요가 있으며 아사히 관계자를 국회에 불러낼 수 있다”고 말했다. 이에 대해 도쿄신문은 “보도 내용 관련, 기자를 증인이나 참고인으로 국회에 부르는 건 극히 이례적”이라며, “정부·여당에 불리한 보도를 하는 미디어를 견제하는 수단으로 악용된다면 보도 자유를 침해하는 것”이라고 우려를 나타냈다.
도쿄=이정헌 특파원
- See more at: http://www.koreadaily.com/news/read.asp?art_id=2732776#sthash.VTOi6wmt.dpuf
http://www.oktimes.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=4280
홈 > News Wide > 뉴스 포커스
아사히신문 위안부보도 검증 ‘강제연행’ 증언 취소
每日新聞 | oktimes@hanmail.com
폰트키우기 폰트줄이기 프린트하기 메일보내기 신고하기
승인 2014.08.05
伊藤一郎 / 毎日新聞
아사히신문은 5일자 조간에서 종군위안부 문제를 둘러싼 동지의 보도내용을 검증하는 특집 기사를 게재했다. “ ‘위안부 문제는 아사히신문의 날조’라는 지적은 이유 없는 비판”이라면서 특히 1990년대 초에 증언이나 부족한 자료를 근거로 기사를 지속적으로 썼다며, 되돌아보면 ‘일부 사실관계의 과오(過誤)가 있었다’고 인정했다. ‘한국‧제주도에서 강제 연행했다’라는 증언은 ‘허위라고 판단해 기사를 취소한다’고 했다.
동지는 1면에서, 원위안부 기사를 쓴 동지의 전 기자가 이름에 상처를 받고 있는 사태등에 대해서 설명하고 책임을 완수하기 위해, 5~6 일자 지면에서 특집을 준비한다고 했다.
잘못을 인정한 일부 기사에 대해서는 「증거 취재가 불충분했던 점은 반성한다」라고 기술. 한편으로 「전시중에 일본군병사들의 성 상대를 강요당한 여성이 있었던 사실을 지울 수 없다」라고 강조했다.
또한, 특집 면에서 다섯 개의 논점으로 독자의 의문에 대한 답변을 게재. 한국 미디어보다 먼저 전위안부의 증언을 보도했다는 전 기자의 기사에 「위안부와 정신대의 혼동」이 있었다고 인정했지만, ‘한국에서도 당시 혼동이 있어서 전 기자도 오용(誤用) 했다」라고 해명했다.
또, 「제주도에서 위안부 사냥을 했다」라고 증언한 吉田清治(요시다 세이지씨‧고인)를 16회에 걸쳐서 기사로 다룬 점도 검증. 동지가 제주도에서 재취재한 결과, 증언을 증명하는 이야기를 얻을 수 없었던 것등에서 증언은 허위라고 판단했다.
http://news.kbs.co.kr/news/NewsView.do?SEARCH_NEWS_CODE=2908871&ref=A
아베, 아사히 ‘위안부 보도’ 취소에 “강제연행 미확인 입증”
입력2014.08.09 (14:19) 단신뉴스
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아사히 신문이 일본군 위안부에 관한 보도에 일부 오류가 있었다고 인정한 것과 관련해 아베 일본 총리는 강제연행 기록이 확인되지 않았다는 견해가 옳다는 것이 판명된 셈이라고 주장했습니다.
아베 총리는 제1차 아베 정권에서는 '정부 발견 자료 가운데는 군이나 관헌에 의한 강제연행을 보여주는 기록은 발견되지 않았다'는 각의 결정을 했는데 다시 한번 틀리지 않았다는 것이 증명됐다고 말했습니다.
앞서 아사히신문은 지난 5일 일본군 위안부 특집기사에서 "자유를 박탈당하고, 여성으로서의 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질"이라고 지적해, 위안부 문제에 대한 책임을 부정하려는 일본 우익 세력들에게 경종을 울렸습니다.
다만 2차대전 당시 제주도에서 다수 여성을 강제 연행했다고 증언한 일본인 요시다 씨의 주장에 기반해 작성한 1980∼90년대의 자사 기사들은 취소한다고 밝혔습니다.
아사히 신문 '自爆'(誤報인정) 배경
상대를 향한 과도한 증오와 집착은 결국 자신에게 손해가 되어 돌아올 가능성이 크다.
펀드빌더(회원) 필자의 다른 기사보기 스크랩하기기사목록이메일보내기프린트하기글자 작게 하기글자 크게 하기악마의 변호인 朴正熙 전기(全13권) 趙甲濟의 現代史이야기(全14권)
아사히 신문 보도로 형성되어 있는 위안부 '강제연행'件과 관련 하여 아사히는 이제 와서 그간의 보도(강제연행 증언)가 잘못됐다
고 했다. 아울러 아사히는, 전시 공장근로자인 여자정신대(20 여 만 명)와 위안부를 혼동한 것도 시인했으며, 한반도 지역에서 軍이
강제로 여성을 동원한 증거는 발견되지 않았다는 것도 언급했다. 이로써 '위안부=강제연행=20만명'이라는 기존공식은 극히 일부의
경우(戰時 敵國 일부여성 동원)를 빼면 사실상 無力化된 것으로 보인다.
물론 韓國은 前위안부 증언을 내세워 이를 받아들이지 않겠지만, 최소한 日本內에는 이런 기존공식이 무너졌다고 볼 수 있다. 이에
따라, 그간의 '韓國+日本內양심세력(+유엔) vs. 日本'이라는 대결 구도는 이제 '韓國(+유엔+힘빠진日本양심세력) vs. 日本'으로 바
뀌게 된다고 볼 수 있다. 이번 아사히의 오보 인정은, 日本정부로 하여금 그나마 갖고있었던 정치적 차원의 도의적 사죄 및 배상
가능성마저 완전히 없애버리게 한 계기도 된 것으로 보인다.
지금 분위기라면, 고노담화의 폐기도 시간상의 문제(아베 임기內 or 차기정권)일 가능성도 있다. 또, 오보인정에 힘입어 아베 수상은,
日本 교과서內 '강제연행'기술도 삭제하겠다는 뜻을 시사하기도 했다. 한 마디로, 위안부 문제는 이제 韓日間 합의에 의한 해결은
거의 어려워지고 사실상 영구미제 사건으로 끝날 확률이 농후해 졌다.
아사히는 이같은 파장을 모를 리 없었을 것인데, 왜 이제와서 '自 爆(자폭)'을 하게 된 것일까? 강제연행을 증언했던 '요시다'(吉田)라는
사람은 이미 사망한 상태라서 그가 살아 돌아와 회개(양심선언) 라도 하게 될 리스크도 없기 때문에 그냥 있었으면 됐는데 왜 아
사히는 굳이 나서서 바보같은 짓(自爆)을 했을까? 아사히가 오보 인정을 하게 된 표면적 계기는, '요시다'(吉田)의 30년도 더 지난
증언('제주도에서 강제연행')을 뒷받침하는 물증을 찾기 위해 바로 얼마 전에 제주도 현지를 방문하여 강제연행을 입증할 증거를 찾아
나섰는데 결국 실패했다는 것이다.
바보 아닌가? 아사히의 이 행동은, 잘해 봐야 본전인 취재를 '특정 한 의도'下에 했다는 의구심을 갖게 만든다. 만약, 반대로 '요시다'
(吉田)의 증언(강제연행)을 입증하는 증거가 이번에 진짜 나왔으면 아사히는, (30년이나 더 지난)'요시다 증언을 뒷받침하는 증거를
제주도에서 드디어 발견!'이라고 대서특필이라도 할 마음이 진짜 있었던 것인가? '뭐하고 있다가 30년도 훨씬 지나서야 검증하나?
아사히는 원래 게으른가?'라는 비난을 들을 수밖에 없다는 것을 아사히는 모를 리 없다. 한 마디로, 이래도 손해, 저래도 손해인
아사히의 이번 '제주도 방문'은 그래서 사실상 '요식행위'의 하나 로 볼 수 있다.
그것은 바로 '自爆'을 위한 명분 만들기용 요식행위다. '自爆'도 그냥 할 수 있는 것은 아니다. 명분이 있어야 할 수 있다. '요시다
증언을 입증할 만한 증거를 찾아 나섰으나 실패하여 오보를 인정 합니다'라는 것은 말이 되지만, '요시다 증언은 아무래도 거짓인
것 같아 오보를 인정합니다'는 유력지로서 말이 안되는 것이다.
결국, 아사히는, 요시다(吉田)의 증언을 뒷받침해 주는 증거를 진지하게 찾으려 애쓰다 실패하여 어쩔 수 없이 오보를 인정한
것이 아니라, 처음부터 오로지 自爆(오보 인정)을 목표로 두었을 개연성이 큰 것이다.
그러면, 아사히는 왜 그냥 넘어가도 아무 상관도 없는 '오보 인정'을 굳이 하고자 했을까? 아사히가 오보인정을 한 특집(5, 6일) 기
사의 요지는,
① 제주도(韓國 땅)에서 강제연행했다는 요시다(吉田) 증언은 허위 ② 여성근로정신대(20여만 명)와 위안부를 착각한 것 인정
③ 軍이 한반도에서 강제연행을 했다는 입증자료는 발견 안됨 ④ 그래도, 보편적 여성인권이 침해됐다는 본질은 여전함
이라는 정도로 요약된다.
그런데, 아사히는 솔직히 이 말을 하고 싶은 것이다. 즉
① "한국 땅에서 강제연행 없었다" =제주도(한국 땅)에서 강제연행했 다는 요시다(吉田) 증언은 허위
② "위안부는 20만 명이 안된다" =여성근로정신대(20여만 명)와 위안 부를 착각한 것 인정
③ "한반도에서 軍이 강제연행한 일 없다" =軍이 한반도에서 강제연행 을 했다는 입증자료는 발견 안됨
④ "그러니까 제발 韓國은, '강제연행'이나 '20만 명'주장 그만하고 보편적 여성인권 차원에서만 따졌으면 한다" =그래도, 보편적
여성인권이 침해됐다는 본질은 여전함
하사히의 이번 自爆은 한국 때문에 나왔다. 구체적으로는, 美國 등에 세워지는 위안부像이나 碑(비)가 결정적 이유가 됐다. 아사히의 오보인정
은 주로 韓國人이 추진하는 위안부像이나 碑에 단골로 들어가는 文句 (한반도내 軍에 의한 강제 연행, 20만 명)를 타깃으로 하고 있다. 아사
히는, 자신의 보도내용를, 韓國이 가져다가 근거 삼아 적극 활용하고 있는 것을 의식한 것이다.
아사히는 그 속성(좌파)상, 정부를 비판하고 인권을 추구하기 위해, 위안부 같은 이슈를 크게 다루는 일은 오히려 자연스럽다. 다만, 아
사히는 자신의 위안부 이슈화에 따른 한일 양국간 역사갈등의 무대 는 애초 日本과 韓國, 때로 유엔 정도의 제한된 범위로만 상정했는
데, 아는 바 같이 최근 한국이 이 위안부 이슈를 들고 美國 등 세계 무대로 적극 나갔으며, 이로 인해 현재 나타나는 日本에 대한 이미
지 훼손 등의 부작용은 日本 입장에서는 심각하게 고민해 볼 수 있 는 부분이다.(이 점, 한국이 노리는 부분이기도 하다)
아사히는 좌파 여부를 떠나, 애초 자신이 의도한 양상을 훨씬 벗어 난 최근의 전개(전세계 위안부像, 碑 확산)에 따른 부작용(日本 불
명예 및 후세교육에 부정적 등)을 고민했음이 틀림없어 보인다. 그 리고 지금 추세(잇따른 像, 碑 설치)라면 부작용이 심각하겠다고
아사히는 내부적으로 고민했을 가능성이 크다. 韓國 대통령이 이 른바 '고자질 외교'를 통해 위안부 문제(日本의 부도덕)를 전세계에
적극 발신하고, 美國 등에 '像과 碑'가 잇따라 들어서기 시작한 최 근 1, 2년 사이에 좌파 속성상 드러내지는 못하지만 아사히의 내부
고민은 상당히 고조였으리라 짐작된다.
결국, 지난 30년 이상을 가만히 있다가(잘 견디다) 지금 같은 '自爆'을 하지 않을 수 없게 된 이유는, 위인부 이슈가 지난 30년간은 韓日 양국간의 무대에서만 다루어지는 가운데 사죄와 용납 등이 오 가며 무난하게 콘트롤되어 아사히의 '작품(역작)'으로 존재할 수 있었지만, 최근 2년 사이 韓日관계 악화에 따라 韓國側이 이 이슈 를 설정된 무대를 벗어나 美國 등 세계로까지 갖고 나가는 과열
양상을 빚게 되자 아사히는 '뿌린 자'로서 결단의 기로에 서지 않을 수 없었던 것에 있는 것으로 보인다.
애초 '고양이'정도로 생각했던 위안부 이슈가 1~2년 사이에 '호랑 이'를 능가할 정도로 커진 상황을 아사히로서는 감당할 수 없었던
셈이다. 바꿔 말하면, 日本內 보수지(요미우리, 산케이 등)나 정치권 의 맹공격을 무릅쓰고라도 아사히가 自爆을 택할 수밖에 없었을 정
도로 최근 韓國의 위안부 이슈에 대한 접근방식이 과도하고도 비이 성적(미국에 像, 碑)이었다는 이야기가 된다.
과거 30년 이상 주로 韓國편을 들던 아사히조차 두 손 들게 만들 정도로 위안부 이슈를 대하는 韓國의 태도에는 과도함이 있었고
이것이 결국 아사히의 自爆을 가져왔다는 것이 최종 결론이다.
향후, 관전 포인트는 비교적 親韓논조의 아사히 신문이 과연 어떤 스탠스로 나오느냐가 된다. 만약, 아사히의 이번 '自爆'에도 불구
하고, 아사히가 의도한 보람도 없이 韓國의 과도한 反日(위안부像, 碑 등)이 여전히 계속된다면, 아사히의 韓國에 대한 논조에는 근본
적인 변화가 초래될 가능성도 있다. 日本內 유력한 親韓 매체 하나 가 사라지는 것이 현실화 될지도 모른다는 이야기다.
결국, 아사히의 自爆으로 가장 곤란한 입장에 빠진 것은 실질적으로 는 韓國이다. 위안부 이슈를 지탱하던 '증거적 동력'이 위안부 이슈
의 산실(메카)인 아사히에 의해 사실상 와해됐기 때문이다. 日本 정 부는 향후 아사히의 이번 오보인정 件을 유엔 등 국제무대에서 적극
활용하게 될 가능성이 크다. 상대적으로 韓國의 입지는 좁아지는 것 이다. 韓國은 오직, '前위안부의 증언이다'라는 주장밖에는 효과적
인 수단이 없게 됐다.
과거의 완벽한 외교 및 도덕적 승리(고노담화 성립 등) 상태가, 최근 의 과도한 反日로 인해 거의 무승부(고노담화 검증, 아사히 自爆)
상태가 됐고, 향후 최악의 경우, (우리는 끝까지 인정 안하겠지만) '아사히 신문의 오보에 국가차원으로 선동된(놀아난) 韓國'이라는
대외 이미지도 완전 배제할 수 없게 됐다.
反日도 적당히 했으면 완승 상태를 영원히 누릴 수 있었는데, 너무 욕심부리다 무승부쯤에 왔고, 이제 은근히 역전까지 걱정해야 하
는 희한한 상황에 와 있다. 日本內 유력한 親韓 매체의 소실 가능 성은 추가로 안게 될 부담이다. 이같이 상대를 향한 과도한 증오와
집착은 결국 자신에게 손해가 되어 돌아 올 가능성이 크다.
http://www.worldkorean.net/news/articleView.html?idxno=15010
아사히신문, '위안부 강제연행 인정'한 과거기사 취소해 논란
강제연행 없었나?...일본정부나 구 일본군 기록에서 찾아낼 수 있을까?
2014년 08월 08일 (금) 08:22:37 이종환 기자 stonevalley@naver.com
아사히신문이 “위안부를 강제연행했다”는 과거 기사를 취소해 논란을 빚고 있다. 아사히신문은 8월5일 “ ‘제주도에서 연행’, 증언 뒷받침 못해 허위로 판단”이라는 타이틀로 기존보도기사를 취소한다고 알렸다.
신문은 “일본 식민지였던 조선에서 전쟁중 위안부로 삼기 위해 폭력을 사용해 강제로 여성을 끌고 갔다는 내용의 저서를 내고, 집회에서 증언한 남성이 있었다. 아사히신문은 1980년대에서 90년대 초에 기사들에서 이 남성을 다뤘지만, 증언이 허위라는 지적이 있었다”고 밝히며, 이를 재취재한 결과 허위라고 판단해 취소를 결정했다고 밝혔다.
신문에 따르면 문제의 남성은 요시다(吉田淸治)씨다. 그는 자신의 저서 등에서 야마구치현 노무보국회 시모노세키지부 동원부장으로 일용노동자들을 관리하는 일을 했다고 말했다.
아사히신문은 요시다씨의 증언만으로 모두 16회의 기사를 내보냈다고 한다. 1982년 9월2이 오사카본부판 사회면에 첫 기사를 내보내면서 그가 오사카에서 강연하며 “제주도에서 200명의 젊은 조선인여성을 잡아들였다”고 보도했다. 이 기사를 작성안 오사카본부 사회부기자(66세)는 “강연에서의 얘기 내용이 구체적이고 상세해서 전희 의심하지 않았다”고 말했다. 90년대 초에는 다른 신문사도 집회 등에서 증언하는 요시다씨를 기사로 다뤘다.
92년 4월30일 산케이신문은 조간에서 제주도에서 사실을 조사한 결과 요시다씨의 증언에 의문이 있다는 내용의 기사를 게재했으며, 다른 주간지도 ‘창작한 의혹이 있다’고 보도했다. 산케이신문 보도 후 아사히신문 동경본부 사회부 기자(53)가 데스크의 지시를 받아 요시다씨와 만나 증언을 뒷받침할 관계자나 자료를 제공할 것을 요청했으나 거절당했다고 했다.
97년 3월31일 특집기사 취재때 동경본부의 사회부기자(57)가 요시다씨를 만나려 했으나 거절당했다. 허위가 아니냐는 보도가 있다는 점을 전화로 묻자 “체험한 그대로를 적었다”고 답했다고 한다. 제주도에서도 취재를 했으나 요시다씨의 증언이 허위라는 확증이 없었기 때문에 ‘진위는 확인할 수 없었다’고 신문은 보도했다. 그후부터 아사히신문은 요시다씨를 더 이상 기사로 다루지 않았다.
그러던 중 자민당의 아베신조 총재(현 총리)가 2011년 11월 일본기자클럽 주최 당대표 토론회에서 “아사히신문의 오보로 인해서 요시다 같은 사기꾼이 쓴 책이 마치 사실처럼 일본내에 나돌아 문제가 크다”고 발언했다. 이를 바탕으로 일부 신문과 잡지가 아사히신문 비판을 반복했다.
이에 따라 아사히신문은 올해 4-5월 제주도에서 70대 후반에서 90대 나이에 이르는 인사 40명의 얘기를 들었으나 강제연행했다는 요시다씨의 기술을 뒷받침할 증언은 얻을 수 없었다고 했다. 건어물 제조공장에서 수십명의 여성을 끌고갔다고 하는 북서면 마을에서도 어물을 다루는 공장은 촌에서 하나밖에 없고 경영을 맡아온 사람(작고)의 아들은 “캔을 만들고 있다. 여종업원이 끌려갔다는 얘기를 아버지로부터 들은 적이 없다”고 말했다.
요시다씨의 저서를 근거로 해서 제주도를 조사한 한국정신대연구소 전 연구원인 강정숙씨는 “여러곳에서 여러 노인들의 얘기를 들었으나 요시다씨의 증언 내용과 같은 것은 나오지 않았다”고 말했다. 요시다씨는 저서에서 “1943년 5월 군의 동원명령으로 제주도에 갔고, 명령서에 적힌 내용이 부인(작고)의 일기에 남아 있다”고 썼다. 하지만 이번에 요시다씨의 장남(64)한테 취재한 바, 부인은 일기를 적지 않았다는 점을 확인했다. 요시다씨는 2000년 7월 사망했다고 한다.
요시다씨는 1993년 5월 요시미(吉見義明) 주오대 교수와 면담할 때 “(강제연행했다)는 일시와 장소를 바뀐 경우도 있었다”면서 동원명령서 내용이 적힌 일기를 제시하는 것도 거절했다고 한다. 전시중 조선반도의 동원 문제를 연구한 소토무라(外村大) 동경대 교수는 요시다씨가 소속했다는 노무보국회는 후생성과 내무성의 지시로 만들어진 조직이라면서 “지휘계통으로 봐서 군이 동원명령의 내는 것도, 직원이 직접 조선으로 파견되는 것도 생각하기 어렵다”고 말했다.
요시다씨는 강제연행했다는 1943년 5월당시 제주도는 육군부대 본부가 군정을 펴고 있었다고 설명했으나 이 점에 대해서도 나가이(永井和) 교토대교수(일본근현대사)는 일본군 자료에 따르면 제주도에 육군이 대부대를 집결한 것은 1945년 4월 이후부터라고 지적, “기술 내용이 사실이라고 생각하기 어렵다”고 말했다.
이 같은 내용을 소개한 뒤 아사히신문은 ‘독자여러분께’라는 글을 덧붙여“요시다씨가 제주도에서 위안부를 강제연행했다는 증언은 거짓이라고 판단해 (과거 관련) 기사를 취소한다"고 밝혔다. "신문은 당시 거짓 증언을 꿰뚫어보지 못했다. 제주도를 재취재했으나 증언을 뒷받침할 얘기를 듣지 못했다. 학자들을 상대로 한 취재에서도 증언의 핵심부분에 대해 모순이 있는 것으로 밝혀졌다”면서 기사 취소를 공식화했다.
아사히신문의 돌연한 기사 취소로 인해 종군위안부 강제연행에 대한 논란이 다시 점화될 전망이다. 위안부 할머니들의 증언이 아닌 강제연행자의 증언이나, 이를 뒷받침할 일본정부나 구일본군의 공식 자료가 절실한 시점이다. 일본이나 다른 나라에서 이를 증명할 내용의 자료가 나올 수 있을까?
http://www.47news.jp/korean/korean_peninsula/2014/08/095259.html
coment
아사히 신문 “위안부 강제연행” 증언, 1992년부터 ‘허위’ 의혹 제기
14/08/06 20:10
아사히(朝日) 신문은 5일 자 조간신문 기사에 이어 6일 자 기사에서도 자사의 구 일본군 위안부에 관한 보도를 검증하는 기사를 게재했다. 아사히 신문이 검증을 통해 ‘허위’라고 판단하고 기사를 취소한 “한국 제주도에서 강제연행했다”는 일본인 남성의 증언은 1992년경부터 전문가들 사이에서 신빙성을 의심하는 목소리가 나온 바 있다. 교도통신은 남성의 증언을 1991년 12월 이후 7차례 보도했지만, 1992년 8월 기사를 마지막으로 이후로는 기사화하지 않았다.
남성은 전 야마구치현(山口県) 노무보국회(労務報国会) 시모노세키(下関)지부 동원부장인 고(故) 요시다 세이지(吉田清治) 씨로 ‘조선인 위안부와 일본인’, ‘나의 전쟁범죄―조선인 강제연행’ 등의 저서를 남겼다. 저서 등에서 위안부에 동원하기 위해 폭력을 사용해 강제로 여성들을 연행했다는 등의 증언을 한 바 있다.
교도통신은 요시다 씨가 집회에서 한 발언과 취재를 바탕으로 “젖먹이 아이를 안고 있는 아기 엄마까지 겨드랑이 밑으로 양팔을 넣어 목 뒤를 죄어 트럭에 태웠다”, “조선반도에서 약 천 명의 여성을 위안부로 전선에 내보냈다”는 등의 증언과 경력을 기사로 소개했다.
요시다 씨의 증언과 관련해서는 제주도 현지에 증언을 뒷받침할 만한 증거가 없는 점과 위안부 측과의 증언과 부합되지 않는다는 등의 지적이 1992년 경부터 제기된 바 있다.【교도통신】
조선반도
인천서 아시안게임 대비 대테러 훈련 실시
韓 합천에서 피폭자 추모제…“지원법 제정, 교과서 기술” 등 호소
韓 외교부, ‘다케시마 일본령’ 에 ‘비공개’ 강력 항의(종합)
현대그룹 현정은 회장 방북, “금강산관광 재개 노력”
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14/08/06 20:10
아사히 신문 “위안부 강제연행” 증언, 1992년부터 ‘허위’ 의혹 제기
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조총련 시설 ‘고정자산세 감세’ 日 지자체, 겨우 5곳
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인천서 아시안게임 대비 대테러 훈련 실시Photo
14/08/06 14:55
韓 합천에서 피폭자 추모제…“지원법 제정, 교과서 기술” 등 호소Photo
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北 특별조사위, 납치보고 9월 제2주 이후…日北 국장급협의 조율(종합)
http://joongang.joins.com/article/895/15453895.html?ctg=1300
글자크기 글자 크게글자 작게
일본 우익 "위안부 날조"주장했다 망신
[중앙일보] 입력 2014.08.05 18:41
일본 아사히(朝日)신문은 5일 위안부 문제와 관련한 각종 의문과 보수우익 세력이 제기하는 '아사히 날조론'에 대해 조목조목 반박하는 특집기사를 게재했다.
스기우라 노부유키(杉浦信之) 편집담당 임원이 1면에 '위안부 문제의 본질, 직시를'이란 제목의 칼럼을, 위안부문제 취재반이 16·17면에 '위안부 문제 어떻게 전해왔는가, 독자의 의문에 답합니다'란 제목의 심층 분석 기사를 실었다.
아사히는 "위안부 문제 보도를 되돌아보고 독자에 설명하는 책임을 다하는 것이 미래를 향한 새로운 논의를 시작하는 첫걸음이 될 것으로 생각했다"며 5, 6일자 이틀 동안 위안부 특집을 게재하는 이유를 설명했다.
위안부 관련 보도의 선구자 역할을 해 온 아사히는 이날 과거 일부 기사의 오류에 대해선 솔직히 인정하면서도 "위안부로서 자유를 박탈당하고 여성으로서의 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질"이라며 일본 내 보수세력의 '책임 부정론'에 대해 경고했다.
신문은 ^'제주도 (강제)연행'증언의 허구 여부 ^강제연행 유무 ^일본군의 관여를 증명하는 자료 유무 ^'정신대'와의 혼동 ^전 위안부의 최초증언 사실 왜곡 여부 등으로 구분해 그 동안 취재, 검증해 온 내용을 상세히 보도했다.
눈길을 끄는 대목은 위안부 문제 보도 초기인 1982년 9월 아사히의 기사를 취소한 부분. 아사히는 당시 "2차 대전 당시 제주도에서 200명의 젊은 조선인 여성을 사냥하다시피 해 강제로 끌고 갔다"고 증언한 일본인 요시다 세이지(吉田淸治·사망)의 주장에 기반해 기사를 작성했다. 이후 요시다 증언의 신빙성에 문제가 제기됐다. 아베 총리는 2012년 11월 당수 토론에서 "아사히신문의 오보에 의해 요시다라고 하는 사기꾼과 같은 자가 만든 책이 마치 사실처럼 일본 내에 퍼져 (위안부) 문제가 커져 버렸다"고 아사히를 맹비난했다. 아사히는 이날 지면에서 "올 4~5월에 취재팀이 제주도를 찾아 70대 후반에서 90대의 주민 40명을 대상으로 취재한 결과 '강제연행'했다는 요시다의 말을 뒷받침할만한 증언을 얻지 못했다. 증언을 거짓으로 판단해 기사를 취소한다"고 밝혔다.
하지만 아사히는 떳떳한 반성과 더불어 90년대 초 보수성향의 산케이(産經)와 요미우리(讀賣) 신문 또한 요시다의 증언을 비중 있게 보도했던 사실도 지적했다. 일방적으로 아사히만을 비난할 상황이 아니란 주장이다.
아사히는 '강제연행'에 대해선 "일본군 등이 위안부를 직접 연행했다는 일 정부의 공문서가 발견되지 않았다는 걸 근거로 '강제연행은 없었다'며 국가의 책임이 전혀 없다는 식의 주장을 일부 정치인이나 식자들이 반복해 왔다"며 "(식민지 혹은 점령지였던 한국·대만·인도네시아 등의 사례에서) 공통되는 건 여성들이 본인의 의사에 반해 위안부가 되는 강제성이 있었다는 것"이라고 강조했다. 신문은 90년대 초 주로 군수공장에 동원된 '정신대'와 위안부를 혼동해 쓴 사실도 인정했다.
스기우라 편집담당 임원은 "과거의 일부 부정확했던 보도가 위안부 문제에 대한 이해를 어지럽히고 있다는 지적도 있지만 그걸 이유로 '위안부 문제는 날조''전 위안부에 사과할 이유가 없다'등의 주장을 하는 데는 결코 동의할 수 없다"며 "피해자를 '매춘부'등으로 폄하해 자국의 명예를 지키려고 하는 일부의 논조가 일·한 양국의 내셔널리즘을 자극해 문제를 꼬이게 하는 원인을 만들고 있기 때문"이라고 지적했다.
도쿄=김현기 특파원 luckyman@joongang.co.kr
http://www.ytn.co.kr/_ln/0104_201408091805205162
아베 "위안부 강제연행, 미확인 견해 입증"
기사나도한마디
2014-08-09 17:42페이스북 보내기트위터 보내기네이트온 보내기마이피플 보내기뉴스스탠드 설정하기목록 보기인쇄하기폰트크게폰트작게
아사히신문이 일본군 위안부에 관한 과거 보도에 일부 오류가 있었다고 인정한 것과 관련해 아베 신조 일본 총리는 위안부 강제연행 기록이 확인되지 않았다는 견해가 옳다는 것이 입증된 셈이라고 주장했습니다.
아베 총리는 산케이신문과의 인터뷰에서 '제1차 아베 정권에서 정부 발견 자료 가운데 군이나 관헌에 의한 강제연행을 보여주는 기술은 발견되지 않았다는 각의 결정을 한 것이 틀리지 않았다는 것이 증명됐다'고 말했습니다.
앞서 아사히신문은 지난 5일 일본군 위안부 특집기사에서 '자유를 박탈당하고, 여성으로서의 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질'이라며, 요시다 세이지 씨의 증언이 거짓이라고 판단해 1980년대에서 90년대에 보도한 관련 기사를 취소했습니다.
요시다 씨는 일본이 제주도에서 다수 여성을 강제로 끌고 가 위안부로 삼았다는 증언을 했습니다.
아베 총리의 이번 발언은 아사히신문의 기사 취소를 계기로 고노담화 취소나 일본정부 면책론을 주장하는 우익 세력의 움직임에 힘을 실어 주려는 의도로 풀이됩니다.
http://www.ohmynews.com/NWS_Web/view/at_pg.aspx?CNTN_CD=A0002020470
아사히신문, 침묵깨고 군위안부 특집..."본질 직시하자"
"자유 뺏긴채 여성존엄 유린당한 것이 문제 본질"
14.08.05 12:25l최종 업데이트 14.08.05 12:25l연합뉴스(yonhap)
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(도쿄=연합뉴스) 조준형 특파원 = 일본군 위안부 문제가 일본 사회에 알려지는 데 큰 역할을 한 아사히신문이 5일 2개면 이상을 할애한 특집기사를 통해 여성에 대한 자유의 박탈과 존엄 유린 등 일본군 위안부 문제의 본질을 직시하자고 제언했다.
아사히는 일본 우익인사들이 부정하는 군위안부 강제연행에 대해 "일본의 식민지였던 조선과 대만에서는 군의 의향을 받은 업체가 '좋은 일이 있다'고 속여 많은 여성을 모집하는 것이 가능했다"며 "군(軍) 등이 조직적으로 납치와 같은 연행을 한 자료는 발견되지 않는다"고 적었다.
하지만, 신문은 "인도네시아 등 일본군의 점령하에 있던 지역에서는 군이 현지 여성을 강제연행한 것을 나타내는 자료가 확인되고 있다"며 "(한국·대만과 인도네시아 등의 사례에서) 공통되는 것은 여성들이 본인의 의사에 반해 위안부가 된 강제성이 있었다는 것"이라고 강조했다.
또 아사히의 스기우라 노부유키(杉浦信之) 편집담당자는 이날 자 1면에 실은 칼럼을 통해 "전쟁 중 일본군 병사들의 성(性) 상대가 되길 강요당한 여성이 있었던 사실은 지울 수 없다"며 "위안부로서 자유를 박탈당하고, 여성으로서의 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질"이라고 지적했다.
그는 또 "이웃과 미래지향의 안정적인 관계를 구축하는 데 있어 위안부 문제는 피할 수 없는 과제 중 하나"라며 "우리는 앞으로도 변함없는 자세로 이 문제를 보도해 나갈 것"이라고 밝혔다.
다만, 아사히는 2차대전 때 제주도에서 다수 여성을 강제로 끌고 갔다고 증언한 일본인 요시다 세이지(吉田淸治·사망) 씨의 주장에 기반해 작성한 1980∼90년대의 자사 기사들에 대해 "요시다가 제주도에서 군위안부를 강제연행했다고 증언한 것은 거짓이라고 판단하고 기사를 취소한다"고 밝혔다.
산케이 신문을 포함, 군위안부와 관련한 일본의 책임을 부정하는 쪽으로부터 집요하게 공격받았던 요시다 관련 기사에 대해 오류를 공식 인정한 것이다.
그러면서 아사히는 "일부 부정확한 보도가 위안부 문제에 대한 이해를 어지럽히고 있다는 지적도 있지만 그것을 이유로 '위안부 문제는 날조'라고 하는 주장과 '위안부 피해자에게 사과할 이유가 없다'고 하는 논의에는 결코 동의할 수 없다"고 못박았다.
아사히는 군위안부 문제를 알리는데 선구자 역할을 했지만 최근 아베 신조(安倍晋三) 정권이 군위안부 강제동원을 인정한 고노(河野)담화의 검증결과를 공개하고, 산케이 등 보수 매체들이 일본의 책임을 부정하는 '여론몰이'를 하는 동안 적극적인 문제제기를 피하는 듯한 인상을 줬다.
<저작권자(c)연합뉴스. 무단전재-재배포금지.>
태그:군 위안부, 아사히 신문 태그입력
http://www.hani.co.kr/arti/international/japan/650148.html
일 자민당, ‘위안부 반성’ 아사히 보도도 검증 시사
등록 : 2014.08.06 20:12수정 : 2014.08.06 22:21툴바메뉴
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6일 오후 서울 종로구 중학동 일본대사관 앞에서 열린 정기 수요집회에서 초등학생 이화윤양이 일본군 위안부 피해자 할머니에게 드리는 편지를 낭독한 뒤 이용수 할머니와 포옹하고 있다. 박종식 기자 anaki@hani.co.kr
아사히, 이틀째 ‘위안부 특집’
과거 ‘강제동원 증언’ 기사 취소에
이시바 간사장 “의회서 검증 필요”
‘강제성 부정’ 우익세력들도 공세
“위안부 문제의 본질은 인간 존엄성을 박탈한 것”이라며 일본 사회의 반성을 촉구한 <아사히신문>의 특집 기사에 대해, 일본 우익세력이 공격에 나섰다. 특히 신문이 일본군 위안부 문제를 다룬 자사의 과거 기사에 일부 오류가 있었다고 인정한 점을 빌미 삼아, 우익 언론들은 위안부 문제로 일본이 부당한 공격을 받고 있다는 주장을 강화하고 있다.
이시바 시게루 집권 자민당 간사장은 <아사히신문>의 위안부 관련 기사에 대해 의회에서 검증할 뜻을 내비쳤다고 일본 언론들이 6일 보도했다. 이시바 간사장은 5일 일본군 위안부에 대한 과거 기사들은 “지역의 평화와 안정, 이웃나라와의 우호, 국민 감정에 큰 영향을 끼쳤기 때문에, 의회에서 검증할 필요가 있을 수도 있다”고 말했다. 그는 “(<아사히신문>은) 일본에 대한 분노와 슬픔을 갖게 된 나라, 특히 한국에 대해 책임이 있다”고도 말했다. 관련자를 의회에 소환할 생각이냐는 질문에는 “우리 당의 담당자가 어떻게 판단하느냐에 달려 있다”며 의회 소환 가능성도 열어뒀다.
<아사히신문>은 5일치에서 ‘위안부 문제의 본질을 직시하자’는 특집 기사들을 내보내면서, 제주도에서 위안부 강제연행을 했다고 증언한 요시다 세이지의 주장을 1980~1990년대에 보도했으나 이 증언의 신빙성이 의심돼 해당 기사는 취소한다고 밝혔다.
일본 우익세력은 이를 위안부 모집의 강제성 자체를 부정하는 계기로 삼으려는 의도를 내비치고 있다. 극우인 <산케이신문>은 6일 “고노 담화는 근거 없이 작문됐다. 위안부가 강제연행됐다는 주장의 근거는 이미 무너졌다”고 주장했다. 고노 담화는 1993년 위안부 모집의 강제성을 인정한 일본 정부의 담화다. <산케이신문>은 이날 “<아사히신문>이 잘못을 인정하고 기사를 취소하는 데 30년 이상이나 걸린 탓에 국제사회에서 일본에 대한 나쁜 인상을 심었고 일본의 명예가 손상당했다”는 니시오카 쓰토무 도쿄기독교대 교수의 주장도 보도했다. 위안부 강제연행을 부정하는 데 앞장서 온 하시모토 도루 오사카 시장도 이날 “(요시다 기사가 처음 나온 1982년부터) 32년간 잘못을 인정하지 않은 것은 <아사히신문>의 큰 죄”라며 “(요시다) 증언이 근거가 돼 (위안부) 강제연행이 있었다고 (일본이) 국제사회의 부당한 비판을 받아왔다”고 말했다.
<아사히신문>은 5일에 이어 6일치에도 위안부 관련 특집 기사를 2개면에 걸쳐 보도했다. 6일 기사들 중에는 전문가 3인이 이 신문의 위안부 보도 기사를 평가한 글도 있었다. 아베 신조 정부의 고노 담화 검증 작업에 참여한 하타 이쿠히코는 기고문에서 “미군이 버마에서 조선인 위안부를 심문한 보고서를 보면 위안부가 한달에 300~1500엔을 벌었다는 이야기가 나온다. 한국군이 베트남에서 저지른 성범죄에 대해서도 추적해야 한다는 목소리도 있다”며 일본 우익의 시각을 드러냈다. 반면, 요시미 요시아키 주오대 교수는 자사 보도에 대한 검증 작업을 벌인 <아사히신문>의 보도를 긍정적으로 평가하지만 “피해자에게 다가가려는 자세가 지면에서 보이지 않는다”고 지적했다. 그는 “<아사히신문> 기사는 한일 양국 정부의 공방 끝에 위안부 문제가 악화됐다는 식으로 읽히는데, (위안부 문제의) 가장 큰 원인은 피해자의 목소리를 확실히 직시하지 않으려는 일본 정부의 자세에 있다”고 썼다.
조기원 기자 garden@hani.co.kr
http://daily.hankooki.com/lpage/world/201408/dh20140806100204138450.htm
아사히 '군위안부 보도'에 日보수·우익지 '파상공세'
(도쿄=연합뉴스) 이세원기자
입력시간 : 2014/08/06 10:02:04수정시간 : 2014.08.10 00:31:11
페이스북 트위터 구글 북마크 네이버 북마크 싸이월드 공감 기사 글자 크게보기 기사 글자 작게보기 인쇄 기사 메일 보내기 기사 구매
아사히(朝日)신문이 일본군 위안부 문제에 관한 특집기사를 내고 "군 위안부 문제의 본질을 직시하라"고 제언하면서 과거 기사의 일부에 오류가 있었다며 취소하자 일본 보수·우익 신문이 파상적인 공세를 폈다.
일본군 위안부 동원의 강제성을 인정한 고노(河野)담화의 검증·철회를 주장해 온 극우 성향의 산케이(産經)신문은 6일 사설에서 "근거없이 작문된 1993년 고노담화 등에서의 위안부가 강제연행됐다는 주장의 근거는 이미 붕괴됐다"고 규정했다.
이 신문은 기사를 취소한다는 표현이 특집 기사에 들어 있지만 1면 기사나 제목에는 없다며 삭제대상 기사 정도는 명기해야 한다고 지적했다.
또 아사히신문의 보도가 한일 관계 악화의 발단이 됐음에도 전문가의 연구 부족 등으로 책임을 떠넘겼다고 비난했다.
산케이신문은 그동안 자사가 "고노담화가 허구적"이라고 주장하고 요시다 세이지(吉田淸治·사망) 씨의 증언이 거짓이라고 밝힌 것은 사실이 쌓여 역사 인식이 바르게 전해질 것으로 믿었기 때문이라며 자사의 취재·보도를 부각했다.
앞서 아사히신문은 5일 특집기사를 내면서 '요시다가 제주도에서 군 위안부를 강제연행했다고 증언한 것이 거짓이라고 판단해 1980∼90년대에 게재한 관련 기사를 취소한다'고 밝혔다.
산케이신문은 '아사히신문이 잘못을 인정하고 기사를 취소하는 데 30년이나 걸린 탓에 국제사회에서 일본에 대한 나쁜 인상을 심었고 일본의 명예가 손상당했다'는 니시오카 쓰토무(西岡力) 도쿄기독교대 교수의 견해를 함께 실었다.
요미우리(讀賣)신문은 문제가 된 아사히신문의 보도가 한국의 반일 여론은 물론 일본에 대한 잘못된 인식을 세계에 심는 근거 중 하나였으며 좀 더 일찍 정정했어야 했다고 평가했다.
이와 관련해 최근 일본 정부의 고노담화 검증에 참여한 역사학자 하타 이쿠히코(秦郁彦) 씨가 1992년 요시다 씨의 증언에 관해 의문을 제기했지만, 기사가 수정되지 않았다고 문제 삼았다.
일본군 위안부 동원의 강제성이나 문제점을 물리적인 강제연행의 문제로 좁게 해석하고서 '정부 자료에 군이나 관헌에 의한 강제연행을 직접 보여주는 기술이 없다'는 식으로 물타기를 해온 일본 우익세력은 아사히신문의 기사 취소를 계기로 일본 정부의 책임을 부정하는 언동을 강화할 것으로 예상된다.
이시바 시게루(石破茂) 자민당 간사장이 아사히신문 관계자를 국회에 소환할 수도 있다는 뜻을 내비친 것을 신호탄으로 이런 시도가 이어질 것으로 보인다.
반면 일본 내 군 위안부 문제 권위자인 요시미 요시아키(吉見義明) 주오(中央)대 교수는 "자유를 박탈당하고, 여성으로서의 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질"이라는 5일자 아사히신문 보도에 관해 "여성들의 의사에 반해 위안부로 삼았다는 강제성에 문제의 본질이 있다는 것을 명확히 했다"고 평가했다.
군 위안부 동원에 관해 일본 정부가 책임져야 한다고 주장해 온 한국과 일본의 시민단체·학자 등은 인도네시아 바타비아(현 자카르타)에서 열린 BC급 전범 군사재판 기록에서 강제 연행 사실이 확인된다는 점을 누차 밝혀왔다.
또 여성에 대한 전시 성폭력·성노에 문제인 군 위안부 제도를 강제 연행 여부에 국한해 접근하는 것은 사안에 대한 총체적인 이해를 저해할 수 있다며 경계해 왔다.
http://www3.nhk.or.jp/nhkworld/korean/top/news06.html
일미 외상, 납치 문제와 대 북조선 문제 공조 확인해
미얀마를 방문 중인 기시다 일본 외상은 케리 미 국무장관과 회담하고, 납치 문제를 둘러싼 북조선과의 협의와 관련해 "납치, 핵, 미사일 문제를 포괄적으로 해결해야 한다는 것이 일본의 일관된 입장"이라며 이해를 구하고, 대 북조선 정책과 관련해 앞으로도 긴밀히 공조해 가기로 합의했습니다.
기시다 외상은 미얀마의 수도 네피도에서 일본 시간으로 9일 오후, 케리 미 국무장관과 약 50분에 걸쳐 회담했습니다.
회담에서 기시다 외상은 납치 문제를 둘러싼 북조선과의 협의와 관련해, 북조선 측이 납치 피해자 등의 조사를 실시하고 있어 늦여름에서 초가을에 걸쳐 첫 조사결과가 일본 측으로 전달될 예정인 것 등을 설명하고, 대 북조선 정책과 관련해 앞으로도 긴밀히 공조해 가기로 합의했습니다.
기시다 외상은 또, 케리 장관이 이라크 북부에서 이슬람 과격파 조직에 대한 선별 공습을 실시했다고 설명한 데 대해, "일본 정부는 지금까지 이라크와 미국에 의한 테러와의 전쟁을 지지해왔고, 이번 선별 공습 또한 그 일환으로 이라크 정부의 동의 하에 실시된 공격으로 이해하고 있다"고 밝혔습니다.
뉴스
http://news.tvchosun.com/site/data/html_dir/2014/08/09/2014080990127.html
[주말뉴스 토] 아베 "위안부 강제연행 미확인 입증"
정원석 기자
등록 2014.08.09 19:18 / 수정 2014.08.09 19:23
기사 공유하기
글자확대글자축소이메일로 보내기인쇄하기
[앵커]
먼저 일본 아사히 신문 보도와 일본 정부의 적반하장 태도 관련 소식 전해드리겠습니다. 일본의 아사히 신문은 최근 특집 보도를 통해 제주 위안부 강제연행을 증언한 한 일본 인사의 발언이 확인되지 않는다며 그 보도를 취소한다고 밝혔습니다. 정론직필로 일본의 지식인 사회의 비판적 담론을 형성해 왔던 이 신문이 사실 확인이 안된 부분을 바로 잡은 것이지 위안부 문제에 비판적인 논조에는 변함이 없음을 분명히 밝혔습니다.
그런데 일본의 보수 언론들이 위안부 강제 동원과 관련해 아시히 마저도 오류를 인정했다는 식으로 공세를 펴고 있습니다. 더욱 가관인 것은 아베 총리가 여기에 끼어들어 "위안부를 강제연행한 사료를 못 찾았다"는 자신들의 입장이 확인된 것이라는 어이없는 주장을 하고 있습니다. 악화된 한일관계도 아사히신문 탓이라고 하고 있습니다.
정원석 기자입니다.
[리포트]
아베 신조 일본 총리가 문제의 산케이 신문을 통해 위안부 강제성을 부인하는 발언을 했습니다.
단독 인터뷰 형식에서 아베는 "아사히신문이 강제연행 증언을 취소하면서 군이나 관헌 등이 강제연행을 했다는 기술이 발견되지 않았다는 기존 결정이 잘못된 것이 아님이 증명됐다"고 말했습니다.
또 "아사히신문의 당시 보도가 사실로 받아들여지면서, 한일 관계에 큰 영향을 주고 교과서에까지 강제연행이 기술됐다"고 밝혔습니다. 꼬인 양국 관계마저 슬그머니 아사히 신문 탓으로 돌린 것입니다.
위안부 문제는 일본의 잘못임을 인정하는 아사히신문과 대비해 전쟁 면책론이나 고노담화 취소 등 총공세로 맞서는 우익세력에 힘을 실어준 것이나 마찬가지.
아사히신문은 최근 위안부 문제를 특집으로 다루면서 지난 80-90년대 제주 위안부 강제연행을 증언한 요시다 세이지의 발언이 확인되지 않는다며 그와 관련한 보도를 취소한다고 밝힌 바 있습니다.
그러면서도 문제의 본질은 여성 인권 탄압에 있다며 위안부 문제에 미온적인 아베 정부에 대해선 비판적 자세를 유지했습니다.
하지만, 산케이를 필두로 요미우리 등 일본 우익 언론과 아베 정부는 문제의 본질은 외면한 채 강제연행은 확인되지 않는다며 적반하장격 행보를 이어가고 있습니다.
TV조선 정원석입니다.
http://korean.cri.cn/1620/2014/08/08/1s216531.htm
일본 아사히신붕 위안부문제 관련한 일부 보도 철회
2014-08-08 15:55:21 cri 글씨크기: A A A
일본 아사히신붕의 위안부문제와 관련한 보도가 최근 일본 각 계층에서 비교적 큰 반향을 불러 일으켰으며 또한 일본 우익여론의 맹렬한 비평을 받았습니다. 압력때문에 아사히신붕은 5일과 6일 연속 이틀동안 위안부와 관련한 특집을 게재했으며 일부 보도를 철회했습니다.
5일부터 일본 아사히신붕은 연속 이틀동안 그 조간지에 위안부와 관련한 과거보도에 대한 조사의 글을 게재했습니다. 이 신문은 한국 제주도에서 여성을 강제적으로 끌어갔다고 한 일본국적 남성의 증언은 사실이 아니라고 하면서 이에 앞선 관련 보도를 철회한다고 표했습니다.
이 남성은 야마구치현 노무보국회 전 지부동원부장 요시다 세이지로 알려졌습니다. 그는 "조선위안부와 일본인", "나의 전쟁범죄, 조선인 강제연행"등 저서를 썼습니다. 요시다는 저서에서 자기는 일찍 폭력으로 여성을 위안부로 강제연행했다고 서술했습니다. 일본의 일부 매체는 요시다의 집회발언과 본인에 대한 특별취재에 근거하여 "약 1천명의 여성이 조선반도에서 전쟁터에 보내져 위안부로 되었다"등 증언과 경력을 보도했습니다. 아사히신붕이 이에 앞서 요시다의 증언에 대해 게제한 보도는 일본 우익세력의 강력한 불만을 자아냈습니다. 일본 우익세력이 통제하고 있는 여론은 요시다가 현재 이미 사망했으며 이밖에 제주도 현지에 증거가 없고 위안부측도 관련 증언이 없기 때문에 사실을 확인하기 어렵다고 하면서 이에 앞선 아사히신붕의 위안부문제 조사의 글에는 사실이 아닌 내용이 존재한다고 주장했습니다.
보수경향의 산케이신붕은 앞장서서 아사히신붕을 비판했습니다. 산케이신붕은 6일 제1면에 "아사히신붕의 위안부문제와 관련한 보도는 잘못된 것이다"라는 보도를 게재했으며 또 제2면과 제3면, 제8면에 비판글을 집중 게재했습니다. 요미우리신붕은 "위안부가 자유를 박탈당하고 여성의 존엄이 여지없이 짓밟혔으며 이것이 문제의 본질이다"라고 한 아사히신붕의 내용을 비난했습니다. 요미우리신붕은 아사히신붕이 위안부문제는 광범한 의미에서 강제성을 갖고 있으며 때문에 이 일과 관련하여 일본정부에 책임을 추궁해야 한다고 한것은 개념을 몰래 바꾼 것이라고 주장했습니다.
일부 매체는 자민당 이시바 시게루 간사장이 최근 아시히신붕을 비평했다고 전했습니다. 이시바 시게루 간사장은 아사히신붕의 보도는 지역의 평화와 안정, 이웃 나라와의 친선 그리고 국민의 감정에 영향을 미쳤다고 하면서 의회에서 검증을 진행할 필요가 있으며 그때 가서 아사히신붕의 관련 인원을 불러 국회에서 증언하게 할 수 있다고 말했습니다. 여러측의 압력에 못이겨 아사히신붕은 결국 관련 보도를 철회한다고 선포했습니다.
유엔 인권고등판무관 나비 필레이는 6일 성명을 발표하고 일본정부의 위안부문제 대응조치를 엄격히 비평했습니다. 그는 일본정부가 위안부문제에서 전면적이고 공정하며 영구한 해결을 모색하는데서 실패했다고 하면서 자기는 이에 대해 깊은 유감을 표한다고 말했습니다. 필레이 판무관은 또한 위안부 피해자 등은 전쟁이 종식된 수십년동안 인권에서 여전히 침범을 받았다고 하면서 이 문제는 역사문제가 아니라 현시점에서의 문제이며 하루라도 빨리 정의를 실현하지 않고 배상 하지 않는다면 인권침범이 계속될 것이라고 강조했습니다. 필레이 판무관은 일본 관변측인사의 부인과 비하성적인 발언은 위안부에게 극심한 고통을 주었다고 지적했습니다. 유엔 인권위원회는 7월 일본의 인권상황과 관련해 최종문건을 발표하고 일본정부가 위안부문제와 관련하여 사과하며 국가적 책임을 승인할 것을 요구했습니다.
필레이의 발언은 일본정부에 큰 불쾌감을 주었습니다. 일본 스가 요시히데 관방장관은 위안부문제가 일본과 한국의 청구권 협정에 따라 전적으로 해결되었다고 반박하고 이는 일본의 일관한 입장이라고 강조했습니다. 그는 일본정부는 또한 이 문제에 대한 자체입장을 국제사회에 끊임없이 설명할 것이라고 말했습니다.
http://stock.asiae.co.kr/news/view.htm?idxno=2014080510195603367
"위안부는 女인권유린…강제성 인정"日아사히 특집보도
최종수정 2014.08.05 11:10기사입력 2014.08.05 11:10
[아시아경제 박병희 기자] 일본의 유력 일간 아사히(朝日)신문이 5일 위안부 특집 기사에서 '일본군 위안부 문제는 여성의 인권 유린이었다'는 본질을 직시하자고 주장했다.
아사히는 일본군 위안부 문제와 관련해 여성 본인의 의사에 반해 위안부가 된 강제성이 인정된다고 지적했다.
아사히는 "군(軍) 등이 조직적으로 납치 같은 연행을 한 자료는 발견되지 않는다"면서도 "그러나 인도네시아 등 일본군 점령 아래 있던 지역에서는 군이 현지 여성을 강제 연행한 듯한 자료가 확인되고 있다"고 강조했다.
아사히는 이어 "일본의 식민지였던 조선과 대만에서는 군으로부터 위탁 받은 업체가 '좋은 일이 있다'고 속여 많은 여성을 모집하는 게 가능했다"고 지적했다. 일본 우익 인사들이 부정하는 군 위안부 강제 연행에 대해 정면으로 반박한 것이다.
아사히의 스기우라 노부유키(杉浦信之) 편집 담당자는 이날 1면 칼럼을 통해 "전쟁 중 일본군의 성(性) 상대가 되길 강요당한 여성이 있었다는 것은 지울 수 없는 사실"이라며 "위안부로 자유를 박탈당하고 여성으로서 존엄을 짓밟힌 게 문제의 본질"이라고 꼬집었다.
그는 "이웃과 미래지향의 안정적 관계를 구축하는 데 해결해야 할 과제 가운데 하나가 위안부 문제"라며 "우리는 앞으로도 변함없는 자세로 위안부 문제를 보도해 나갈 것"이라고 밝혔다.
아사히는 논란이 됐던 1980~1990년대 자사 기사들에 일부 오류가 있었다는 점도 인정했다. 해당 기사들은 2차대전 당시 제주도에서 다수 여성을 강제로 끌고 갔다고 증언한 일본인 요시다 세이지(吉田淸治·사망)씨의 주장에 기반해 작성한 것이다. 이와 관련해 아사히는 "요시다씨가 제주도에서 군 위안부 강제 연행에 나섰다고 증언한 것은 거짓이라고 판단해 기사를 취소한다"고 밝혔다.
그러나 아사히는 "일부 부정확한 보도가 위안부 문제에 대한 이해를 어지럽히고 있다는 지적도 있다"면서 "그렇다고 이를 이유로 '위안부 문제는 날조'라는 주장과 '위안부 피해자에게 사과할 이유가 없다'는 논의에는 결코 동의할 수 없다"고 못박았다.
박병희 기자 nut@asiae.co.kr
http://www.koreadaily.com/news/read.asp?art_id=2732776
위안부 문제 놓고 … 일본 신문들의 전쟁
아사히 '본질 직시'특집 기사서 과거 일부 기사 오류 인정하자
요미우리 등 "책임 져야"공격
댓글 1 [조인스] 기사입력 2014/08/08 19:37
스크랩
일본 아사히(朝日)신문이 5, 6일 2회에 걸쳐 게재한 위안부 관련 특집기사에 대해 일본 우파 언론들이 파상공세를 펼쳤다. “위안부 문제 본질을 직시해야 미래가 있다”는 기사 취지는 아랑곳없이 일부 기사의 오류를 인정한 것에 대해 기다렸다는 듯 “위안부 강제동원은 허구였다”는 식의 주장들이 이어졌다. 이들 우익 언론들은 한·일 관계가 악화된 모든 책임은 아사히 신문 위안부 기사에 있는 것처럼 몰아가고 있다. 보수 정치권도 관련 기사를 국회에서 검증할 필요가 있다며 군불을 때고 있다.
보수성향의 산케이(産經)와 요미우리(讀賣)신문이 맨 앞에서 ‘아사히 때리기’에 나섰다. 산케이는 6일 1면에 ‘아사히 위안부 보도 잘못’이란 기사를 비롯, 2·3·8면에 집중적으로 비판 기사를 실었다. 특히 사설에선 “위안부 강제 연행의 근간이 무너졌다”고 주장했다. “제주도에서 205명의 젊은 조선인 여성을 사냥하다시피 해 강제로 끌고 갔다”는 일본인 요시다 세이지(吉田淸治·사망)의 주장을 뒷받침할 만한 증언을 새로 찾지 못한 아사히가 기사를 취소한 데 대한 것이다. 산케이는 이어 위안부 동원의 강제성을 인정한 1993년 고노(河野)담화를 “근거 없이 작문됐다”고 못박았다. 산케이는 또 “자국(일본)의 명예를 지키려는 일부 논조가 한·일 양국의 민족주의를 자극하고 문제를 악화시킨다”는 아사히 지적엔 “책임을 전가하고 있다”고 몰아 부쳤다.
요미우리 신문도 ‘아사히 32년후의 철회, 강제연행 증언은 허위’란 1면 기사 등 4개면에 걸쳐 아사히를 성토했다. 91년 8월 보도된 위안부 출신 여성에 대해서는 “기생 학교에 다닌 사실이 나중에 밝혀졌지만 언급되지 않았다”며 전체 위안부 피해 여성들을 폄하했다. 요미우리는 또 최근 고노담화 검증에 참여한 역사학자 하타 이쿠히코(秦郁彦)가 92년 요시다 증언에 의문을 제기했지만 수정되지 않았다며 “20년 넘게 방치한 아사히 책임이 매우 무겁다”고 평가했다. “위안부로서 자유를 박탈당하고 여성으로서 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질”이란 아사히 주장에 대해선 “넓은 의미의 강제성이 있었다고 일본 정부 책임을 묻는 것은 ‘논의 바꿔치기’”라며 보수세력의 ‘책임 부정론’을 거들었다.
자민당도 우익 언론 편들기에 동참했다. 마이니치(每日)신문에 따르면 이시바 시게루(石破茂) 간사장은 5일 “지역의 평화·안정, 이웃나라와의 우호, 국민감정에 영향을 끼친 보도”라며 “의회에서 검증할 필요가 있으며 아사히 관계자를 국회에 불러낼 수 있다”고 말했다. 이에 대해 도쿄신문은 “보도 내용 관련, 기자를 증인이나 참고인으로 국회에 부르는 건 극히 이례적”이라며, “정부·여당에 불리한 보도를 하는 미디어를 견제하는 수단으로 악용된다면 보도 자유를 침해하는 것”이라고 우려를 나타냈다.
도쿄=이정헌 특파원
- See more at: http://www.koreadaily.com/news/read.asp?art_id=2732776#sthash.VTOi6wmt.dpuf
http://www.oktimes.co.kr/news/articleView.html?idxno=4280
홈 > News Wide > 뉴스 포커스
아사히신문 위안부보도 검증 ‘강제연행’ 증언 취소
每日新聞 | oktimes@hanmail.com
폰트키우기 폰트줄이기 프린트하기 메일보내기 신고하기
승인 2014.08.05
伊藤一郎 / 毎日新聞
아사히신문은 5일자 조간에서 종군위안부 문제를 둘러싼 동지의 보도내용을 검증하는 특집 기사를 게재했다. “ ‘위안부 문제는 아사히신문의 날조’라는 지적은 이유 없는 비판”이라면서 특히 1990년대 초에 증언이나 부족한 자료를 근거로 기사를 지속적으로 썼다며, 되돌아보면 ‘일부 사실관계의 과오(過誤)가 있었다’고 인정했다. ‘한국‧제주도에서 강제 연행했다’라는 증언은 ‘허위라고 판단해 기사를 취소한다’고 했다.
동지는 1면에서, 원위안부 기사를 쓴 동지의 전 기자가 이름에 상처를 받고 있는 사태등에 대해서 설명하고 책임을 완수하기 위해, 5~6 일자 지면에서 특집을 준비한다고 했다.
잘못을 인정한 일부 기사에 대해서는 「증거 취재가 불충분했던 점은 반성한다」라고 기술. 한편으로 「전시중에 일본군병사들의 성 상대를 강요당한 여성이 있었던 사실을 지울 수 없다」라고 강조했다.
또한, 특집 면에서 다섯 개의 논점으로 독자의 의문에 대한 답변을 게재. 한국 미디어보다 먼저 전위안부의 증언을 보도했다는 전 기자의 기사에 「위안부와 정신대의 혼동」이 있었다고 인정했지만, ‘한국에서도 당시 혼동이 있어서 전 기자도 오용(誤用) 했다」라고 해명했다.
또, 「제주도에서 위안부 사냥을 했다」라고 증언한 吉田清治(요시다 세이지씨‧고인)를 16회에 걸쳐서 기사로 다룬 점도 검증. 동지가 제주도에서 재취재한 결과, 증언을 증명하는 이야기를 얻을 수 없었던 것등에서 증언은 허위라고 판단했다.
http://news.kbs.co.kr/news/NewsView.do?SEARCH_NEWS_CODE=2908871&ref=A
아베, 아사히 ‘위안부 보도’ 취소에 “강제연행 미확인 입증”
입력2014.08.09 (14:19) 단신뉴스
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아베 총리는 제1차 아베 정권에서는 '정부 발견 자료 가운데는 군이나 관헌에 의한 강제연행을 보여주는 기록은 발견되지 않았다'는 각의 결정을 했는데 다시 한번 틀리지 않았다는 것이 증명됐다고 말했습니다.
앞서 아사히신문은 지난 5일 일본군 위안부 특집기사에서 "자유를 박탈당하고, 여성으로서의 존엄을 짓밟힌 것이 문제의 본질"이라고 지적해, 위안부 문제에 대한 책임을 부정하려는 일본 우익 세력들에게 경종을 울렸습니다.
다만 2차대전 당시 제주도에서 다수 여성을 강제 연행했다고 증언한 일본인 요시다 씨의 주장에 기반해 작성한 1980∼90년대의 자사 기사들은 취소한다고 밝혔습니다.
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Asahi Shimbun admits errors in past ‘comfort women’ stories, Japan times
http://blogs.wsj.com/japanrealtime/2014/08/06/media-abuzz-over-asahi-retraction-on-comfort-women/
Media Abuzz Over Asahi Retraction on ‘Comfort Women’
By JUN HONGO
Then-government spokesman Yohei Kono delivered an apology over “comfort women” in 1993. Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
Japan’s newspapers usually refrain from reporting on each other’s activities, but this week media outlets are abuzz over a retraction issued Tuesday by the Asahi newspaper over reporting on World War II “comfort women.”
The Asahi retracted articles that cited testimony by author Seiji Yoshida, who said he had taken part in abducting 200 women on Jeju Island during the war. The women were forced to become “comfort women,” or workers at sex brothels for the Imperial Japanese Army, according to his testimony.
The Asahi said it first published Mr. Yoshida’s story in September 1982 and mentioned him in at least 16 articles through the 1990s. But it said his stories couldn’t be confirmed.
“We have judged that Mr. Yoshida’s statement, in which he said that he took comfort women by force from Jeju Island, was fake, and we retract the article,” wrote the left-leaning daily, which has second-largest circulation in the country. “At the time we could not figure out that the statement was fake.”
The Asahi said Mr. Yoshida, who wrote two memoirs, died in 2000. In 1997, he told the paper over the phone that his books were based on facts and what he experienced, according to the Asahi.
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe had been critical of Asahi’s series of reports, calling Mr. Yoshida a “crook” during a debate at the Japan National Press Center in November 2012, shortly before Mr. Abe started his second stint as prime minister. The comfort-women issue expanded and spread across the country “because of the inaccurate reporting by Asahi,” Mr. Abe said.
The Asahi’s review of its reporting took up two full pages of Tuesday’s paper and an additional two full pages Wednesday. While retracting the articles citing Mr. Yoshida, the paper said there was solid evidence to show that the kidnapping of women by the Imperial Japanese Army took place in other parts of Asia.
The Japanese government apologized in 1993 to Asian women forced to serve soldiers sexually. The apology, known as the Kono Statement, says the women “in many cases … were recruited against their own will, through coaxing coercion, etc.,” and “lived in misery at comfort stations under a coercive atmosphere.” Mr. Abe has said he will uphold the statement.
Conservatives in Japan have questioned the Kono statement, and they were quick to claim vindication in the Asahi’s retraction. The conservative Sankei newspaper said the Asahi should issue an official apology over what the Sankei called “groundless and inaccurate” articles. The Sankei also criticized the Asahi for the tardiness of its response.
The Yomiuri Shimbun, which has the largest circulation in Japan, touched on the impact it said the Asahi’s erroneous reports had in amplifying diplomatic tensions between Tokyo and Seoul. The Yomiuri referred to a 1996 United Nations report that said “the practice of ‘comfort women’ should be considered a clear case of sexual slavery and a slavery-like practice.” Conservatives in Japan have disputed that terminology.
In the years after the Asahi’s now-retracted articles on Mr. Yoshida, an “incorrect understanding of history spread across the world,” the Yomiuri said.
http://mainichi.jp/english/english/newsselect/news/20140806p2a00m0na027000c.html
Asahi Shimbun's stance questioned after withdrawal of 'comfort women' articles
The Asahi Shimbun admitted with an apology in its Aug. 5 morning edition that there were factual errors in some of its articles on the so-called wartime "comfort women" issue. But the major Japanese daily emphasized that the facts about the issue were "not intentionally distorted."
While some experts hail the Asahi Shimbun for carrying verification articles which acknowledge that some of its articles were false, some other critics raise questions about Asahi's reporting stance.
In its two-page spread examining its past articles on "comfort women," Asahi tried to verify the credibility of statements made by Seiji Yoshida (deceased) who had revealed his own experience of rounding up women against their will. The article said that the Asahi Shimbun had published articles 16 times since 1982 based on Yoshida's statements, including the one which said he "hunted out" 200 young Korean women on Jeju Island. The Asahi said, however, that although it had gathered additional information on the issue on Jeju Island for verification purposes, it could not obtain corroborative evidence to back up Yoshida's statements. The Asahi Shimbun then said it deemed the statements were false and therefore it would retract the articles.
With respect to the Asahi Shimbun's articles on "comfort women," there have been a flood of online postings criticizing a particular Asahi reporter by name. The reporter wrote an article on testimonies from former comfort women in August 1991, ahead of South Korean media. Because a South Korean woman who supports former comfort women in their court battles is the reporter's mother-in-law, there have been online postings suspecting that the reporter took advantage of his relations with the woman to write stories in favor of former comfort women.
The Asahi Shimbun examined the reporter's coverage of the comfort women issue this time around. The newspaper quoted the reporter as saying, "I went to South Korea after being contacted by the then bureau chief in Seoul. I have never reported for the purposes of benefiting my mother-in-law and others." The reporter was also quoted as saying, "I have never taken advantage of my kinship to obtain special information." He went on to say that he had never intentionally avoided inconvenient stories dealing with the personal history of former comfort women.
In a front-page article, Asahi Shimbun Executive Editor Nobuyuki Sugiura argued that little research on comfort women had been done in the early 1990s when the issue of comfort women began to come under the spotlight. He then explained the background in which "volunteer corps" at Japanese munitions factories and "comfort women" had been mixed up. He then said he would never accept such arguments that the Asahi Shimbun had fabricated the comfort women issue and that there is no reason for Japan to apologize to former comfort women.
The Mainichi Shimbun has reported on the comfort women issue since the early 1990s when the issue began to attract attention at home and abroad, based on its coverage of former comfort women themselves, their support groups as well as government officials, experts and other relevant sources.
On the front page of its Oct. 19, 1991 Tokyo morning edition, the Mainichi carried an article on a private research group releasing a list of about 126,000 women who were forcibly drawn from the Korean Peninsula. In the Jan. 11, 1992 evening edition, the Mainichi reported on the discovery of documents suggesting that the former Imperial Japanese Army had set up and managed brothels.
With respect to Seiji Yoshida, the Mainichi reported in its morning editions on Aug. 12 and 13, 1992 that he had visited South Korea to make apologies. In the articles, the Mainichi quoted Yoshida as saying that he had carted off comfort women and other people, while simply reporting that he apologized directly to former comfort women during a Seoul event.
August 06, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2014/08/05/national/politics-diplomacy/asahi-shimbun-admits-errors-in-past-comfort-women-stories/#.U-bwiON_tsg
Asahi Shimbun admits errors in past ‘comfort women’ stories
BY REIJI YOSHIDA
STAFF WRITER
AUG 5, 2014
ARTICLE HISTORY
PRINT SHARE
The Asahi Shimbun admitted Tuesday to serious errors in many articles on the “comfort women” issue, retracting all stories going back decades that quoted a Japanese man who claimed he kidnapped about 200 Korean women and forced them to work at wartime Japanese military brothels.
The correction came more than 20 years after the Sankei Shimbun based on studies by noted historian Ikuhiko Hata first pointed out apparent errors in the man’s account in April 1992.
Hata and the Sankei said there was no evidence supporting the account of Seiji Yoshida, who claimed he conducted something akin to “human hunting” by rounding up about 200 women on Jeju-do Island in present-day South Korea.
All local residents interviewed by Hata denied Yoshida’s claims. Mainstream historians have now agreed that his statements were false.
Yoshida, who claimed to have worked for a labor recruitment organization in Yamaguchi Prefecture during the war, reportedly died in July 2000.
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has repeatedly called out the Asahi for quoting Yoshida’s accounts, saying the paper’s “erroneous reports” have magnified the issues involving the so-called comfort women.
Asked to comment on the Asahi’s retraction of the articles during his regular news conference Tuesday, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said: “We hope correct recognition of the history will be formed, based on objective facts.”
The term comfort woman is a euphemism referring to women forced into sexual servitude in wartime Japanese military brothels. Media outlets and activists often describe them as “sex slaves,” given the harsh conditions they faced.
The Asahi repeatedly reported on Yoshida’s accounts in the 1980s and 1990s.
The paper has faced growing criticism about its coverage of comfort women, prompting the paper on Tuesday to carry two pages of feature articles looking into its previous coverage.
In April and May this year, the Asahi dispatched reporters to the island and interviewed about 40 elderly residents and concluded that Yoshida’s accounts “are false.”
As far as the present-day Korean Peninsula is concerned, the Asahi, like most mainstream Japanese historians, maintained that no hard evidence had been found to show the Japanese military was directly involved in recruiting women to the brothel system against their will.
But the Asahi, again like mainstream historians, maintained that most “comfort women” from Korea were forced to work as prostitutes against their will since they were recruited by private-sector brokers through human trafficking.
Before winning his second prime ministership in December 2012, Abe had suggested he might revise or retract the key government apology to the women, issued by Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono in 1993.
But to date, Abe has upheld the Kono statement, which admitted that the Japanese authorities and military were “directly or indirectly, involved in the establishment and management of the comfort stations and the transfer of comfort women.”
“The (Japanese) government study has revealed that in many cases they were recruited against their own will, through coaxing, coercion, etc., and that, at times, administrative/military personnel directly took part in the recruitments. They lived in misery at comfort stations under a coercive atmosphere,” the Kono statement reads.
http://www3.nhk.or.jp/nhkworld/english/news/20140806_24.html
Asahi admits errors in 'comfort women' stories
Japan Aug. 6, 2014 - Updated 18:00 UTC+9
Japanese newspaper Asahi Shimbun has retracted stories it ran on the so-called comfort women issue, saying they were based on a false account.
In its Tuesday edition, the Asahi reported the accounts of Seiji Yoshida in the 1980s and 1990s. Yoshida said he forcibly gathered women on the South Korean island of Jeju and sent them to work in wartime brothels.
The paper says it interviewed about 40 people on the island in April and May to confirm his story, but could not find any evidence to support it. It also says historians have pointed out inconsistencies in his claims. The Asahi retracted its articles based on Yoshida's comments.
It also said it confused comfort women with those who worked at factories voluntarily during the war, due to lack of research.
The Asahi says those who worked as comfort women were stripped of their freedom and dignity, and that this is the essence of the issue. It says it will continue to cover the subject based on this stance.
Ruling Liberal Democratic Party Secretary General Shigeru Ishiba said on Tuesday the paper's reports help form public opinion. He said it may be necessary for the Diet to look into why the Asahi made its mistakes.
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga told reporters on Wednesday that the government is not in a position to comment on whether the Diet should discuss the Asahi's coverage of comfort women.
Suga said that he wants historical perceptions to be based on objective facts. He said the government has already made clear its stance on the issue.
Media Abuzz Over Asahi Retraction on ‘Comfort Women’
By JUN HONGO
Then-government spokesman Yohei Kono delivered an apology over “comfort women” in 1993. Agence France-Presse/Getty Images
Japan’s newspapers usually refrain from reporting on each other’s activities, but this week media outlets are abuzz over a retraction issued Tuesday by the Asahi newspaper over reporting on World War II “comfort women.”
The Asahi retracted articles that cited testimony by author Seiji Yoshida, who said he had taken part in abducting 200 women on Jeju Island during the war. The women were forced to become “comfort women,” or workers at sex brothels for the Imperial Japanese Army, according to his testimony.
The Asahi said it first published Mr. Yoshida’s story in September 1982 and mentioned him in at least 16 articles through the 1990s. But it said his stories couldn’t be confirmed.
“We have judged that Mr. Yoshida’s statement, in which he said that he took comfort women by force from Jeju Island, was fake, and we retract the article,” wrote the left-leaning daily, which has second-largest circulation in the country. “At the time we could not figure out that the statement was fake.”
The Asahi said Mr. Yoshida, who wrote two memoirs, died in 2000. In 1997, he told the paper over the phone that his books were based on facts and what he experienced, according to the Asahi.
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe had been critical of Asahi’s series of reports, calling Mr. Yoshida a “crook” during a debate at the Japan National Press Center in November 2012, shortly before Mr. Abe started his second stint as prime minister. The comfort-women issue expanded and spread across the country “because of the inaccurate reporting by Asahi,” Mr. Abe said.
The Asahi’s review of its reporting took up two full pages of Tuesday’s paper and an additional two full pages Wednesday. While retracting the articles citing Mr. Yoshida, the paper said there was solid evidence to show that the kidnapping of women by the Imperial Japanese Army took place in other parts of Asia.
The Japanese government apologized in 1993 to Asian women forced to serve soldiers sexually. The apology, known as the Kono Statement, says the women “in many cases … were recruited against their own will, through coaxing coercion, etc.,” and “lived in misery at comfort stations under a coercive atmosphere.” Mr. Abe has said he will uphold the statement.
Conservatives in Japan have questioned the Kono statement, and they were quick to claim vindication in the Asahi’s retraction. The conservative Sankei newspaper said the Asahi should issue an official apology over what the Sankei called “groundless and inaccurate” articles. The Sankei also criticized the Asahi for the tardiness of its response.
The Yomiuri Shimbun, which has the largest circulation in Japan, touched on the impact it said the Asahi’s erroneous reports had in amplifying diplomatic tensions between Tokyo and Seoul. The Yomiuri referred to a 1996 United Nations report that said “the practice of ‘comfort women’ should be considered a clear case of sexual slavery and a slavery-like practice.” Conservatives in Japan have disputed that terminology.
In the years after the Asahi’s now-retracted articles on Mr. Yoshida, an “incorrect understanding of history spread across the world,” the Yomiuri said.
http://mainichi.jp/english/english/newsselect/news/20140806p2a00m0na027000c.html
Asahi Shimbun's stance questioned after withdrawal of 'comfort women' articles
The Asahi Shimbun admitted with an apology in its Aug. 5 morning edition that there were factual errors in some of its articles on the so-called wartime "comfort women" issue. But the major Japanese daily emphasized that the facts about the issue were "not intentionally distorted."
While some experts hail the Asahi Shimbun for carrying verification articles which acknowledge that some of its articles were false, some other critics raise questions about Asahi's reporting stance.
In its two-page spread examining its past articles on "comfort women," Asahi tried to verify the credibility of statements made by Seiji Yoshida (deceased) who had revealed his own experience of rounding up women against their will. The article said that the Asahi Shimbun had published articles 16 times since 1982 based on Yoshida's statements, including the one which said he "hunted out" 200 young Korean women on Jeju Island. The Asahi said, however, that although it had gathered additional information on the issue on Jeju Island for verification purposes, it could not obtain corroborative evidence to back up Yoshida's statements. The Asahi Shimbun then said it deemed the statements were false and therefore it would retract the articles.
With respect to the Asahi Shimbun's articles on "comfort women," there have been a flood of online postings criticizing a particular Asahi reporter by name. The reporter wrote an article on testimonies from former comfort women in August 1991, ahead of South Korean media. Because a South Korean woman who supports former comfort women in their court battles is the reporter's mother-in-law, there have been online postings suspecting that the reporter took advantage of his relations with the woman to write stories in favor of former comfort women.
The Asahi Shimbun examined the reporter's coverage of the comfort women issue this time around. The newspaper quoted the reporter as saying, "I went to South Korea after being contacted by the then bureau chief in Seoul. I have never reported for the purposes of benefiting my mother-in-law and others." The reporter was also quoted as saying, "I have never taken advantage of my kinship to obtain special information." He went on to say that he had never intentionally avoided inconvenient stories dealing with the personal history of former comfort women.
In a front-page article, Asahi Shimbun Executive Editor Nobuyuki Sugiura argued that little research on comfort women had been done in the early 1990s when the issue of comfort women began to come under the spotlight. He then explained the background in which "volunteer corps" at Japanese munitions factories and "comfort women" had been mixed up. He then said he would never accept such arguments that the Asahi Shimbun had fabricated the comfort women issue and that there is no reason for Japan to apologize to former comfort women.
The Mainichi Shimbun has reported on the comfort women issue since the early 1990s when the issue began to attract attention at home and abroad, based on its coverage of former comfort women themselves, their support groups as well as government officials, experts and other relevant sources.
On the front page of its Oct. 19, 1991 Tokyo morning edition, the Mainichi carried an article on a private research group releasing a list of about 126,000 women who were forcibly drawn from the Korean Peninsula. In the Jan. 11, 1992 evening edition, the Mainichi reported on the discovery of documents suggesting that the former Imperial Japanese Army had set up and managed brothels.
With respect to Seiji Yoshida, the Mainichi reported in its morning editions on Aug. 12 and 13, 1992 that he had visited South Korea to make apologies. In the articles, the Mainichi quoted Yoshida as saying that he had carted off comfort women and other people, while simply reporting that he apologized directly to former comfort women during a Seoul event.
August 06, 2014(Mainichi Japan)
http://www.japantimes.co.jp/news/2014/08/05/national/politics-diplomacy/asahi-shimbun-admits-errors-in-past-comfort-women-stories/#.U-bwiON_tsg
Asahi Shimbun admits errors in past ‘comfort women’ stories
BY REIJI YOSHIDA
STAFF WRITER
AUG 5, 2014
ARTICLE HISTORY
PRINT SHARE
The Asahi Shimbun admitted Tuesday to serious errors in many articles on the “comfort women” issue, retracting all stories going back decades that quoted a Japanese man who claimed he kidnapped about 200 Korean women and forced them to work at wartime Japanese military brothels.
The correction came more than 20 years after the Sankei Shimbun based on studies by noted historian Ikuhiko Hata first pointed out apparent errors in the man’s account in April 1992.
Hata and the Sankei said there was no evidence supporting the account of Seiji Yoshida, who claimed he conducted something akin to “human hunting” by rounding up about 200 women on Jeju-do Island in present-day South Korea.
All local residents interviewed by Hata denied Yoshida’s claims. Mainstream historians have now agreed that his statements were false.
Yoshida, who claimed to have worked for a labor recruitment organization in Yamaguchi Prefecture during the war, reportedly died in July 2000.
Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has repeatedly called out the Asahi for quoting Yoshida’s accounts, saying the paper’s “erroneous reports” have magnified the issues involving the so-called comfort women.
Asked to comment on the Asahi’s retraction of the articles during his regular news conference Tuesday, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said: “We hope correct recognition of the history will be formed, based on objective facts.”
The term comfort woman is a euphemism referring to women forced into sexual servitude in wartime Japanese military brothels. Media outlets and activists often describe them as “sex slaves,” given the harsh conditions they faced.
The Asahi repeatedly reported on Yoshida’s accounts in the 1980s and 1990s.
The paper has faced growing criticism about its coverage of comfort women, prompting the paper on Tuesday to carry two pages of feature articles looking into its previous coverage.
In April and May this year, the Asahi dispatched reporters to the island and interviewed about 40 elderly residents and concluded that Yoshida’s accounts “are false.”
As far as the present-day Korean Peninsula is concerned, the Asahi, like most mainstream Japanese historians, maintained that no hard evidence had been found to show the Japanese military was directly involved in recruiting women to the brothel system against their will.
But the Asahi, again like mainstream historians, maintained that most “comfort women” from Korea were forced to work as prostitutes against their will since they were recruited by private-sector brokers through human trafficking.
Before winning his second prime ministership in December 2012, Abe had suggested he might revise or retract the key government apology to the women, issued by Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono in 1993.
But to date, Abe has upheld the Kono statement, which admitted that the Japanese authorities and military were “directly or indirectly, involved in the establishment and management of the comfort stations and the transfer of comfort women.”
“The (Japanese) government study has revealed that in many cases they were recruited against their own will, through coaxing, coercion, etc., and that, at times, administrative/military personnel directly took part in the recruitments. They lived in misery at comfort stations under a coercive atmosphere,” the Kono statement reads.
http://www3.nhk.or.jp/nhkworld/english/news/20140806_24.html
Asahi admits errors in 'comfort women' stories
Japan Aug. 6, 2014 - Updated 18:00 UTC+9
Japanese newspaper Asahi Shimbun has retracted stories it ran on the so-called comfort women issue, saying they were based on a false account.
In its Tuesday edition, the Asahi reported the accounts of Seiji Yoshida in the 1980s and 1990s. Yoshida said he forcibly gathered women on the South Korean island of Jeju and sent them to work in wartime brothels.
The paper says it interviewed about 40 people on the island in April and May to confirm his story, but could not find any evidence to support it. It also says historians have pointed out inconsistencies in his claims. The Asahi retracted its articles based on Yoshida's comments.
It also said it confused comfort women with those who worked at factories voluntarily during the war, due to lack of research.
The Asahi says those who worked as comfort women were stripped of their freedom and dignity, and that this is the essence of the issue. It says it will continue to cover the subject based on this stance.
Ruling Liberal Democratic Party Secretary General Shigeru Ishiba said on Tuesday the paper's reports help form public opinion. He said it may be necessary for the Diet to look into why the Asahi made its mistakes.
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga told reporters on Wednesday that the government is not in a position to comment on whether the Diet should discuss the Asahi's coverage of comfort women.
Suga said that he wants historical perceptions to be based on objective facts. He said the government has already made clear its stance on the issue.
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sado lesson
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Look squarely at essence of 'comfort women' issue ,Asahi newspapar
http://www.asahi.com/topics/ianfumondaiwokangaeru/en/?iref=comtop_pickup_02
Thinking about the comfort women issue
[Japanese]
Look squarely at essence of 'comfort women' issue
By Nobuyuki Sugiura Executive Editor (8/22)
Response to questions raised by readers about our coverage of the comfort women issue
We have re-examined our coverage of the "comfort women" issue in order to respond to the various questions from our readers about that coverage by The Asahi Shimbun.
We would now like to report on the results of that re-examination to our readers.
(By the team of reporters examining the comfort women issue)
The positions included in the articles are those of the individuals at that point in time. The ages of reporters given are current. Unless there is an explanation, all the articles are from the version published by the Tokyo head office of The Asahi Shimbun.
published by the Tokyo head office of The Asahi Shimbun.
Comfort stations and conmfort women
What is the 'comfort women' issue all about?(08/22)
Forcibly taken away: Coercion that led to lost freedom existed(08/22)
Testimony about 'forcible taking away of women on Jeju Island': Judged to be fabrication because supporting evidence not found(08/22)
'Documents showing military involvement': Government officials aware of existence before reporting in Asahi(08/22)
Confusion with 'volunteer corps': Insufficient research at that time led to comfort women and volunteer corps seen as the same(08/22)
'First testimony by former comfort woman': No twisting of facts in article(08/22)
Reporting by other newspapers(08/22)
How did problems emerge in the Japan-South Korea relationship?
How did the comfort women issue develop into a political and diplomatic matter? Why has the relationship between Japan and South Korea become so troubled despite the efforts of the two governments to resolve the issue, and why has that situation continued until today?
(By the team of reporters examining the comfort women issue)
The positions included in the articles are those of the individuals at that point in time.
The South Korean government praised the contents of the Kono statement(08/22)
Citizens groups opposed Asian Women's Fund(08/22)
Issue became pressing matter again after decision by Constitutional Court of Korea(08/22)
In relation to this coverage, point of views by experts from Japan and the United States on the comfort women issue will be posted.
What is the 'comfort women' issue all about?
2014年8月22日10時00分
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Q: What are comfort women?
A: Women who were forced to serve as sexual partners of military personnel at comfort stations created under the involvement of the Japanese military during a time of war. In the statement released by the government in August 1993 under the name of Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono (the Kono statement), there was wording that said, "this was an act, with the involvement of the military authorities of the day, that severely injured the honor and dignity of many women."
Q: What kind of people were forced to become comfort women?
A: Besides Japanese who lived in Japan proper, women from the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan, which were under Japanese colonial rule, were also made to become comfort women. In line with invasions by Japan, comfort stations were also created in China, the Philippines, Burma (present-day Myanmar), Malaysia and other areas. Local women were sent to those comfort stations. In Indonesia, which was under Dutch colonial rule at that time, Indonesian women as well as Dutch women who were living there at the time were made to become comfort women.
In 1938, the government issued a directive that said Japanese women who were to go to China to work as comfort women should be limited to "prostitutes who were 21 years or older." This was likely because of a treaty banning the sale of women and children which prohibited human trafficking or prostitution of women under 21 or children. However, when the government ratified the treaty in 1925, it exempted its colonies from coverage under the treaty. For that reason, girls who were still minors and not prostitutes in the colonies and occupied areas also became comfort women. There are records of girls as young as 17 in the Korean Peninsula and 14 in Taiwan who became comfort women.
Q: How many comfort women were there?
A: Because there are no official records for the total number, there are only various estimates made by researchers. Ikuhiko Hata, a historian of the contemporary period, made an estimate in 1993 of between 60,000 and 90,000. In 1999, he revised that estimate to about 20,000. Yoshiaki Yoshimi, a professor of modern and contemporary Japanese history at Chuo University, made an estimate in 1995 of between 50,000 and 200,000. Recently, he has revised that figure to more than 50,000. There are people in South Korea and China who have given much higher figures.
Q: When and how were comfort stations created?
A: In 1932, the year after the Manchurian Incident, rapes of Chinese women by Japanese soldiers occurred during the Shanghai Incident. According to some records, in order to prevent a heightening of anti-Japanese sentiment, groups of comfort women were invited from Kyushu exclusively for military personnel and civilian workers for the military. Subsequently, other reasons that were given for creating comfort stations were to prevent a decline in war capability due to the spread of sexually transmitted diseases as well as to prevent the leaking of military secrets and to provide comfort to military personnel.
Q: How were the comfort women gathered?
A: In many cases, agents who acted in line with the military's intentions, recruited women first in Japan and then in the colonial areas of the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan. It has also been known that there were many cases in which the women were fooled by being told, "There is good work available," or in which they were sold off by their parents.
On the other hand, in such occupied areas as the Philippines and Indonesia, there are records of women being taken away through the direct use of violence by the Japanese military. According to a 2002 report by the Philippine government, there were cases of the Japanese military using violence to abduct and forcibly take away local women who were then kept at churches and hospitals used as barracks by the Japanese military and repeatedly gang-raped.
Q: What was the life of comfort women like?
A: On the Internet site of the Asian Women's Fund, there is wording that says "while it was certain soldiers directly or indirectly made payments (at the comfort stations), it is unclear how that money was given to the comfort women." It is believed that there were differences in how the women were treated depending on the location and the status of the war.
In 1993, the government also released the results of its investigation along with the Kono statement. The report said the women "were forced to lead a life without freedom since they were made to act along with the military while always being under military supervision in the front lines of combat."
Q: How did the comfort women issue become to be known in Japan?
A: From shortly after the end of the war, accounts of their experiences given by military personnel made mention of such women. In June 1970, Kako Senda wrote in the Shukan Shincho weekly magazine about accounts given by women who said they were made to work as comfort women along with statements made by those who once had ties to the military. In 1973, he published a reportage titled "Jugun Ianfu" (Military comfort women). At that time, the women were considered as part of a secret history of the war.
Q: How did the topic become an issue of interest between Japan and South Korea?
A: In January 1990, Yun Chung-ok, a professor at Ewha Womans University, wrote a series of articles in The Hankyoreh newspaper in South Korea about the comfort women issue titled "A Report of Coverage of Footprints of Grudge of The Volunteer Corps." The visit in May 1990 by South Korean President Roh Tae-woo to Japan served as a catalyst for an increase in calls seeking an apology and compensation from Japan by South Koreans who were made to serve in the Japanese military or work as civilians for the military on the Korean Peninsula, which was under Japanese colonial rule.
* * *
Major events related to the comfort women issue (positions of individuals at that time)
August 1991: Former comfort woman in South Korea comes forward about her past for the first time.
December 1991: Former comfort women file lawsuit against Japanese government. Government begins investigation.
January 1992: Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa apologizes in meeting with South Korean president.
July 1992: Government announces results of investigation and acknowledges involvement of government.
August 1993: Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono issues a statement acknowledging the recruitment, transfer and control of women were conducted generally against their will and expressing "apologies and remorse." (Kono statement)
August 1994: Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama issues a statement expressing the intention to find "an appropriate way which enables a wide participation of people" to resolve the comfort women issue.
July 1995: The private-sector Asian Women's Fund is established under the initiative of the government. The fund implements an "atonement project," including the giving of "atonement money" to former comfort women, based on donations from the Japanese people.
March 2007: The fund is closed.
July 2007: The U.S. House of Representatives passes a resolution seeking an apology from Japan regarding the comfort women issue.
June 2014: The government releases results of a study into the process behind compilation of the Kono statement.
Forcibly taken away: Coercion that led to lost freedom existed
2014年8月22日10時00分
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Question: The government has explained that no documents exist that provide direct evidence for forcible taking away of women, in which the military or police abducted women like kidnappers and forced them to become comfort women. Was there in fact no forcible taking away of the women?
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In 1991 and 1992, when interest was focused on the comfort women issue, The Asahi Shimbun reported that Korean comfort women had been "forcibly taken away." In addition to introducing as one example of forcible taking away of women the testimony about "hunting comfort women" on Jeju Island made by Seiji Yoshida (explained in the next section), the Asahi also published an editorial on Jan. 12, 1992, shortly before Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa visited South Korea. With a title of "Do not avoid looking at history," the editorial said "(comfort women) were recruited or forcibly taken away under the name of 'teishintai' (volunteer corps)."
Progress had not been made at that time in finding documents related to comfort women, so even experts used the term without sufficient proof. In the mid-1980s, Ikuhiko Hata wrote that Korean comfort women "were recruited in a form that was close to forcibly being taken away." (Note 1)
Originally, the "forcible taking away of Koreans" referred in general to the mobilization during the war of Korean people who were under the colonial domination of Japan as laborers in coal and other mines both in Japan and in areas under military occupation. The mobilization was conducted regardless of the intent of the individuals and under a government plan. (Note 2) An ethnic Korean researcher living in Japan who looked into the matter in the 1960s called such mobilization forcible taking away of Koreans (Note 3) and the term became widely used in the mass media. As a result, there was a wide range in the definition of forcible taking away depending on who was using the term.
Under such circumstances, the definition of forcible taking away of comfort women has also been a topic in which differences still exist among various researchers. There are some who hold the view that it should be limited to "'hunting for comfort women' or taking away of people that is close to 'kidnapping' based on the exercise of authority by the public authorities." (Note 4) There are others who hold the view that it should include "taking away through abduction, kidnapping and human trafficking by agents who were selected by the military or colonial government." (Note 5)
The process by which comfort women were gathered on the Korean Peninsula gradually became clearer based on testimony provided by former comfort women who came forward to speak about their experiences in and after 1991.
In February 1993, the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan published a volume that contained the testimony of 19 former comfort women from about 40 in total. The 19 women were chosen because the group had confidence in their reliability, according to Chung Chin-sung, the chairperson of the research group affiliated with the council. Four of the women spoke of "violence by military personnel or civilians working for the military." Many of the women said they were kidnapped after they were coaxed by sweet talk by agents, or were taken after being fooled.
Regardless of how they were recruited, the comfort women spoke of the suffering they experienced, being forced to provide sex while having their freedom taken away for the military in the front lines of combat. They also talked about the fear they felt from the violence and bombing as well as such after-effects as sexually transmitted diseases and sterility.
The statement issued in August 1993 under the name of Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono of the Miyazawa administration (the Kono statement) acknowledged "(comfort women) lived in misery at comfort stations under a coercive atmosphere" and "their recruitment, transfer, control, etc., were conducted generally against their will, through coaxing, coercion, etc."
It is said the investigation conducted by the Japanese government at related ministries and agencies, as well as at the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, could not confirm on the Korean Peninsula "forcible taking away in the narrow sense of the term" in which the exercise of force was carried out in an organized manner under the will of the military. For that reason, the statement viewed "coercion" in which the women had their free will taken from them in the comfort stations at the front lines as the issue, rather than "forcible taking away."
In July 1993, a month before the Kono statement was released, the Japanese government interviewed former comfort women in Seoul at the office of the Association for Pacific War Victims and Bereaved Families. The report released in June 2014 by the team studying the process through which the Kono statement was compiled said the objective of the interviews was "to deeply understand the feelings of the former comfort women by showing concern for them." The report said that no further investigation was conducted at the time to support the testimony given.
On the day after the Kono statement was released, the Asahi ran a front page story with the headline "Apology after acknowledging 'coercion' on comfort women, 'generally against their will.'"
The Yomiuri, Mainichi and Sankei newspapers all reported that the Kono statement acknowledged "forcible taking away," but the Asahi did not use "forcible taking away."
Looking back, the reporter, 51, in the Political News Section who was covering the chief Cabinet secretary at that time assumes that "coercion" rather than "forcible taking away" was used because there was a difference in interpretation even among specialists.
"What could be read from the statement, the news conference and our news gathering until then was that the government acknowledged forcible taking away in the wide sense that it went against the will of the individual," the reporter said. "However, we felt that if we used the term 'forcible taking away' it might lead to misunderstanding among the readers so we chose more careful wording."
Since 1993, the Asahi has tried not to use the term "forcible taking away" as much as possible.
In the spring of 1997, when the topic of comfort women first emerged in junior high school textbooks, The Asahi Shimbun ran special coverage on the comfort women issue in its March 31, 1997, edition.
No official documents were found that directly showed forcible taking away by the military on the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan, where the people living there were made "subjects" of the Japanese Empire under Japanese colonial rule. Prostitution agents were prevalent due to the poverty and patriarchal family system. For that reason, even if the military was not directly involved, it is said it was possible to gather many women through such methods as work-related scams and human trafficking.
On the other hand, in areas under occupation by the Japanese military, such as Indonesia and China, entries in documents related to war crimes trials by the Allied forces included testimonies that showed local women being forcibly taken away by soldiers and made comfort women. In Indonesia, Dutch women living there were also made comfort women.
In the 1997 special coverage, the Asahi concluded, "it can be said that coercion existed in cases where women were physically forced to remain at the comfort station against their will."
Ever since the Kono statement was issued, all succeeding administrations, including the current Abe administration, have continued to abide by it. At the same time, some politicians and experts have repeatedly made the argument to the effect that the central government does not have to bear any responsibility on grounds "there was no forcible taking away." That argument is based on the fact that no official documents of the Japanese government have been found that show the Japanese military directly taking away the comfort women.
There is a need for further research to determine how comfort women were gathered in the various locations, including the Korean Peninsula. But the essence of the issue is that women lost their freedom and had their dignity taken away at the comfort stations that could not have existed without the involvement of the military.
The awareness of the issue by Asahi regarding its coverage of the comfort women issue has not changed at all.
Note 1: "Jugun Ianfu (Seizoku)" (Military comfort women: original, sequel) in "Nihon Rikugun no Hon Sokaisetsu" (The book of the Japanese Army, complete analysis) (Jiyukokuminsha Co., 1985) compiled by research group on army history
Note 2: Masaru Tonomura "Chosenjin Kyosei Renko" (Forcible taking away of Koreans) (Iwanami Shoten Publishers, 2012)
Note 3: Park Kyong-sik "Chosenjin Kyosei Renko no Kiroku" (Record of forcible taking away of Koreans) (Miraisha, 1965)
Note 4: Ikuhiko Hata "'Ianfugari' Shogen Kensho: Daisandan Doitsu no Jugun Ianfu Mondai" ('Comfort women hunting' testimony, examination: part 3, the comfort women issue in Germany) Shokun September 1992 edition
Note 5: Yoshiaki Yoshimi "'Kono Danwa' wo Do Kangaeruka--Sono Igi to Mondaiten" (How to think about the Kono statement--its significance and problems) in "'Ianfu' Bashing wo Koete" (Moving beyond bashing of comfort women) (Otsuki Shoten, 2013) compiled by Violence Against Women in War Research Action Center
To our readers
On the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan, which were colonies of Japan, agents who worked in line with the intentions of the military were able to gather many women by fooling them with such statements as "There is good work available." No documents have been found that show the military systematically taking away women like kidnappers. On the other hand, in areas under occupation by the Japanese military, such as Indonesia, confirmation has been made of documents that show local women being forcibly taken away by the military. What is common in both cases is the existence of coercion in which women were made to work as comfort women against their will.
Testimony about 'forcible taking away of women on Jeju Island': Judged to be fabrication because supporting evidence not found
2014年8月22日10時00分
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Question: There was a man who testified in books and meetings that he had used violence to forcibly take away women on the Korean Peninsula, which was Japan's colony, to make them serve as comfort women during the war. The Asahi Shimbun ran articles about the man from the 1980s until the early 1990s. However, some people have pointed out that his testimony was a fabrication.
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The man's name was Seiji Yoshida. In his books and on other occasions, he said that he headed the mobilization section at the Shimonoseki branch of the Yamaguchi Prefectural Romu Hokokukai labor organization that was in control of day laborers.
The Asahi Shimbun has run, as far as it can confirm, at least 16 articles about Yoshida. The first appeared in the Sept. 2, 1982, morning edition in the city news page published by the Osaka head office. The article was about a speech that he gave in Osaka in which he said, "I 'hunted up' 200 young Korean women on Jeju Island."
The reporter, 66, who wrote the article, was in the City News Section at the Osaka head office at that time.
The reporter said, "I had absolutely no doubts about the contents of his talk because it was very specific and detailed."
In the early 1990s, other newspapers also ran articles about what Yoshida said at meetings and on other occasions.
In the April 30, 1992, morning edition of the Sankei Shimbun, an article raised doubts about Yoshida's testimony based on the results of an investigation conducted by Ikuhiko Hata on Jeju. Weekly magazines also began publishing articles pointing to "Suspicion of 'fabrication.'"
A reporter, 53, in the City News Section at the Tokyo head office was instructed by his editor to meet with Yoshida immediately after the Sankei article ran. The reporter asked Yoshida to introduce relevant individuals and submit data to corroborate his testimony, but the reporter said Yoshida rejected the request.
During news gathering to prepare for the March 31, 1997, special coverage, Yoshida refused to meet with a reporter, 57, in the City News Section at the Tokyo head office. When the reporter asked over the phone about reports that suspected the testimony was a fabrication, Yoshida responded, "I wrote about my experiences as they were."
Although news gathering was also conducted on Jeju and no corroborating evidence could be obtained, the special coverage said "no confirmation has been made about the authenticity" because there was no conclusive proof that Yoshida's testimony was false. The Asahi has not written about Yoshida since.
However, in November 2012, Shinzo Abe, who was then president of the Liberal Democratic Party, said at a debate among party leaders hosted by the Japan National Press Club, "The problem has become much bigger because false reporting by The Asahi Shimbun has led to the spreading of a book throughout Japan, which has been taken as fact, even though it was created by a man named Seiji Yoshida who is like a con man."
Some newspapers and magazines have repeated criticism of The Asahi Shimbun.
In April and May 2014, The Asahi Shimbun interviewed a total of about 40 people in their late 70s to 90s living on Jeju. However, no evidence was obtained that supported the writings by Yoshida about forcible taking away.
In a town on the northwestern part of the island where Yoshida claimed to have taken away several dozens of women working at a plant making dried fish, there was only one factory in the village that handled fish. The son of the local man who was involved in factory management, now deceased, said, "Only canned products were made there. I never heard from my father about women workers being taken away."
Yoshida wrote that the factory roof was "thatched." Video images that captured conditions at that time were obtained by Norifumi Kawahara, a professor of historical geography at Ritsumeikan University who has conducted research on the fishing industry in South Korea at that time. The images showed the roof to be made of tin and tile.
In June 1993, Kang Jeong-suk, a former researcher at the Korean Research Institute for Chongshindae, conducted research on Jeju based on the writings of Yoshida. "I heard from several elderly people at each of the locations I visited, but I did not come across any testimony that matched the writings," Kang said.
Yoshida wrote in his book he went to Jeju in May 1943 based on a mobilization order from the Western District Army. He also wrote that the contents of the order were left in the diary of his wife (now deceased). However, Yoshida's oldest son, 64, was interviewed for this special coverage, and it was learned that the wife never kept a diary. The son said Yoshida died in July 2000.
When Yoshida met in May 1993 with Yoshiaki Yoshimi, a Chuo University professor, and others, Yoshida explained that "there were occasions when I changed the dates and locations (where he forcibly took the women)." Moreover, Yoshida refused to present the diary in which the contents of the mobilization order were contained. That led Yoshimi to point out, "I had no choice but to confirm that we could not use his testimony." (Note 1)
Masaru Tonomura, an associate professor at the University of Tokyo who is knowledgeable about mobilization matters on the Korean Peninsula during the war, said the Romu Hokokukai that Yoshida claimed he worked for was created through instructions given by the Health and Welfare Ministry as well as the Home Ministry.
"Given the chain of command, it is inconceivable for the military to issue the mobilization order, and for employees to go directly to the Korean Peninsula," Tonomura said.
Yoshida also explained that in May 1943, when he claimed to have forcibly taken away the women, the "Army unit headquarters""maintained military rule" on Jeju. Regarding that point, Kazu Nagai, a professor of modern and contemporary Japanese history at Kyoto University, pointed out that documents of the former Army showed that a large Army force only gathered on Jeju after April 1945.
"The contents of his writing cannot be considered to be true," Nagai said.
Note 1: Yoshiaki Yoshimi and Fumiko Kawata, compilers, "'Jugun Ianfu' wo Meguru 30 no Uso to Shinjutsu" (30 lies and truths surrounding 'military comfort women') (Otsuki Shoten 1997)
To our readers
We have made the judgment that the testimony that Yoshida forcibly took away comfort women on Jeju was a fabrication. We retract our articles on him. We were unable to uncover the falseness of his testimony at the time the articles were published. Although additional research was conducted on Jeju, we were unable to obtain any information that corroborated his testimony. Interviews with researchers have also turned up a number of contradictions regarding the core elements of his testimony.
'Documents showing military involvement': Government officials aware of existence before reporting in Asahi
2014年8月22日10時00分
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Question: Regarding an article by The Asahi Shimbun that appeared on the front page of the Jan. 11, 1992, morning edition and titled "Documents showing military involvement in comfort stations," some people have said it was "intentional reporting" designed to turn the comfort women issue into a political matter because the article appeared shortly before Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa visited South Korea.
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The article was about official documents kept at the Library of the National Institute for Defense Studies of the Defense Agency. They showed that during the war, the former Japanese military supervised and controlled the establishment of comfort stations and recruitment of comfort women. The documents also included orders to local units to establish comfort stations.
Questions about the comfort women issue were repeatedly raised in the Diet after 1990. Government officials responded, "We face a situation of not being able to grasp the situation at all," and denied involvement. After the Asahi article appeared, Chief Cabinet Secretary Koichi Kato said, "We cannot deny that the Japanese military in the past was involved."
Five days later, on Jan. 16, Miyazawa visited South Korea, and in his meeting with South Korean President Roh Tae-woo, Miyazawa used the words "remorse and apology" eight times, according to the announcement by South Korean officials.
Yoshiaki Yoshimi, a Chuo University professor, confirmed the existence of the documents at the Library of the National Institute for Defense Studies in late December 1991. He contacted a reporter, 57, at the Asahi's City News Section whom he knew and explained the gist of the documents. The reporter considered writing the article by the end of the year, but decided against it because the documents were not in hand and other information gathering was still insufficient.
On Jan. 6, 1992, Yoshimi found different documents at the library and informed the reporter. The reporter visited the library on Jan. 7 and directly confirmed the contents of the documents and photographed them. The article appeared on Jan. 11 after further interviews with relevant officials and specialists.
According to the report of the government study into the compilation of the Kono statement, on Jan. 7, 1992, the same day the reporter went to the library, a report was submitted to the central government about the existence of the documents indicating military involvement.
Since December 1991, the central government had been told by South Korea that "it would be preferable to implement measures beforehand so that the comfort women issue does not become an urgent matter at the time of the prime minister's visit to South Korea." That led to the start of the investigation by various government ministries and agencies.
In his book "Ianfu to Senjo no Sei" (Comfort women and sex on the battlefield), Ikuhiko Hata, the historian of the contemporary period, pointed out that running the article immediately before the prime minister's visit to South Korea was a "sneak attack" and "surprise move." He wrote "it can be assumed that the information was kept quiet for more than two weeks after it was obtained."
Some newspapers also reported that the Asahi article served as a catalyst for turning the issue into a diplomatic matter between Japan and South Korea.
However, the article was published five days after the reporter obtained detailed information. The reporter said, "With the government not acknowledging involvement, I thought the discovery of a document showing military involvement was newsworthy, and I wrote the article immediately after gathering the necessary information."
Moreover, the central government was aware of the existence of the documents even before the article appeared and had begun moving to deal with the possibility that the comfort women issue could become an urgent matter at the time of the prime minister's visit to South Korea.
One of the documents introduced in the article was a directive issued to deployed troops in 1938 in the name of a senior adjutant to the Minister of War. The document asked that measures be taken to protect the prestige of the military by remaining in close contact with the military and regular police when choosing agents to recruit comfort women in Japan. That was because some agents had been questioned by the police after hurting the prestige of the military by saying "we have the approval of the military."
In his book "Yokuwakaru Ianfu Mondai" (The comfort women issue explained in an easy-to-understand manner), Tsutomu Nishioka, a professor of Korean area studies at Tokyo Christian University, presented his view that the document "was intended to stop agents from committing illegal acts. While it was involvement, it was ‘involvement with good intentions.'"
However, Kazu Nagai, a professor at Kyoto University, rejects the view of "involvement with good intentions." Nagai pays attention to a document issued around the same time under the name of the head of the Home Ministry bureau in charge of the police. While allowing for the recruitment and transport abroad of comfort women, the document also instructed "a serious crackdown of those individuals who claim to have the approval of the military" must be undertaken.
Nagai points out that the document asked the police to keep watch on agents to make sure they did not tell outsiders about their relationship with the military. Regarding the Army Ministry document that was reported by the Asahi, Nagai presents his view in the book "Nicchu Senso kara Sekai Senso e" (From the Japan-China war to world war) that "the document gave instructions to the military command to implement thorough notification of the regulation policy taken by police toward recruitment agents, which was a policy to conceal the relationship between comfort stations and the military/state."
In a short explanation about a keyword that was part of the Jan. 11, 1992, Asahi article, there is wording that said about comfort women, "they were mainly Korean women who were forcibly taken away under the name of volunteer corps. The numbers are said to be between 80,000 and 200,000."
There is criticism that the Asahi confused volunteer corps with comfort women. (An explanation about the confusion will be given in the next section.) While there is also discussion about the number of comfort women, there are only the estimates of researchers because there are no official records. (This is explained in the earlier section titled "What is the ‘comfort women' issue all about?"
To our readers
The article was published five days after the reporter learned the details about the information and was not intended to coincide with Miyazawa's visit to South Korea. The central government had also received a report about the existence of the documents even before the article ran. The central government had been told by the South Korean side since December 1991 that it was preferable to implement measures beforehand so the comfort women issue did not become an urgent matter at the time of the prime minister's visit to South Korea. The central government had also begun consideration of such measures.
PR情報
Confusion with 'volunteer corps': Insufficient research at that time led to comfort women and volunteer corps seen as the same
2014年8月22日10時00分
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Question: Some articles that appeared in The Asahi Shimbun in the early 1990s regarding comfort women from the Korean Peninsula said the women were mobilized under the name of "women volunteer corps." Although it is now clear that comfort women and women volunteer corps were different, why did such an error occur?
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"Women volunteer corps" refer to the "women volunteer labor corps" that were organized to mobilize women as a work force during the war in Japan proper as well as in the former colonies on the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan. With the August 1944 "women volunteer labor order," the corps became a system based on the National Mobilization Law.
Even before then, such corps were organized at schools and in local communities. On the Korean Peninsula, as many as 4,000 students at elementary schools and girls' high schools are said to have been mobilized to work at munitions factories in Japan proper until the end of the war. (Note 1) With the objective of using the women as a work force, the corps were different from comfort women who were made to serve as sexual partners for military personnel.
However, in 1991, when attention was focused on the comfort women issue, the Asahi confused the two. In the Dec. 10, 1991, morning edition, an article about comfort women from the Korean Peninsula said "they were mobilized to the front lines of combat under such names as 'women volunteer corps' from immediately before the start of World War II and were forced into prostitution at comfort stations serving Japanese military personnel."
In the Jan. 11, 1992, morning edition, an article said "with the start of the Pacific War, mainly Korean women were forcibly taken away under the name of volunteer corps. The numbers are said to be between 80,000 and 200,000."
The reason for the confusion was insufficient research. There were very few specialists researching comfort women, so there was insufficient digging up of history. While the Asahi did publish articles about former Japanese volunteer corps members who worked at factories in Japan, research on the volunteer corps on the Korean Peninsula was not at an advanced stage.
A reference material used by Asahi reporters was titled "Chosen wo Shiru Jiten" (Encyclopedia to learn about Korea) (first edition published by Heibonsha Ltd. in 1986). Regarding comfort women, the volume explained "from 1943, about 200,000 Korean women were mobilized as workers under the name of 'women volunteer corps,' and of that number between 50,000 and 70,000 young single women were made into comfort women."
The author of that entry was Setsuko Miyata, a researcher of modern Korean history. Looking back, she said, "Because I could not locate a researcher of comfort women, I could only quote from existing works."
Miyata quoted from a work by Kako Senda titled "Jugun Ianfu" (Military comfort women). That book has a passage that says "the women were gathered under the name of 'volunteer corps'… . Of the total of 200,000 gathered (estimates in South Korea), it is said 'between 50,000 and 70,000' were made into comfort women."
The term "volunteer corps" was used in the sense of "comfort women" in newspaper coverage in Korea in 1946. In explanatory documents related to the July 1944 Cabinet decision to amend the government organization of the Government General of Korea, a passage mentions the spread of "groundless rumors" that unwed women were being requisitioned to serve as comfort women.
While no example has been confirmed of volunteer corps members being made systematically into comfort women, there is the view that a distrust of Japanese colonial authority resulted in an equating of the two, fanning fear from during the war. (Note 2)
Some say one factor behind the confusion is the fact that one group supporting former comfort women has included the word for volunteer corps in its Korean name. (The group's English name is the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan.)
In January 1992, shortly before Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa visited South Korea, a South Korean news agency released an article about the discovery of a school roster that showed a 12-year-old Korean girl who went to an elementary school was mobilized to join the volunteer corps. That led to the misunderstanding that "Japan had made even elementary school students into comfort women" and worsened anti-Japanese sentiment.
Since 1993, The Asahi Shimbun has made efforts to avoid confusing the two. The chief of the Seoul bureau, 72, of that time said, "That's partly because interviews by citizens groups uncovered a situation in which women who worked at munitions factories in Japan as members of the volunteer corps suffered because they were mistakenly viewed as 'having been taken advantage of for sexual comfort of the Japanese military.'"
Note 1: Soji Takasaki "'Hanto Joshi Kinro Teishintai' ni tsuite" (A Study on the "Korean Girls Volunteer Corps") on Digital Museum "The Comfort Women Issue and the Asian Women's Fund"
Note 2: Takeshi Fujinaga "Senjiki Chosen ni okeru 'Ianfu' Doin no 'Ryugen''Zogen' wo megutte" (Related to 'rumors' and 'made-up words' about mobilizing 'comfort women' in wartime Korea) in the volume compiled by Toshihiko Matsuda, etc. titled "Chiiki Shakai kara Miru Teikoku Nihon to Shokuminchi Chosen/Taiwan/Manshu" (Imperial Japan and the colonies Korea, Taiwan and Manchuria as viewed from local society) (Shibunkaku Co. 2013)
To our readers
Women volunteer corps refer to the "women volunteer labor corps" that were mobilized to work at munitions factories and at other locations during the war. They are completely different from comfort women. The term was used mistakenly because research on the comfort women issue was not at an advanced stage at that time and because there was confusion between comfort women and volunteer corps members even in reference materials used by reporters.
'First testimony by former comfort woman': No twisting of facts in article
2014年8月22日10時00分
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Question: Takashi Uemura, a former reporter for The Asahi Shimbun, reported on testimony by a former comfort woman even before the South Korean media. However, there has been criticism that he wrote the article by using his relationship with his mother-in-law, a South Korean who supported lawsuits by former comfort women, and intentionally concealing inconvenient facts.
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One article that has been described as problematic was the top article on the city news page of the Aug. 11, 1991, edition published by Asahi's Osaka head office. The article ran with the headline "Tears still well up when I remember, a former South Korean military comfort woman finally opens up half-century after end of war."
The article was about testimony given by a former comfort woman. She spoke for the first time about her experiences to the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan (Teitaikyo). Uemura said he listened to a taped recording of the testimony on Aug. 10 and wrote the article. At that time, he was a reporter in the City News Section of the Osaka head office and was in South Korea on business.
Under condition of anonymity, he gained information about the testimony by the former comfort woman and published the article even before the South Korean media.
The major points raised by those critical of the article are: 1) He was provided favors by his mother-in-law, who was a high-ranking official of an organization that provided support for lawsuits filed by former comfort women, and 2) the article hid the fact the former comfort woman attended a school for "kisaeng" (Korean female entertainers) and was written as if she was forcibly taken away even though she had been sold through human trafficking.
According to Uemura, about six months before the article appeared in August, he married the daughter of Yang Sun-im, who was a high-ranking official of the Association of Pacific War Victims and Bereaved Families.
Teitaikyo was established mainly by female researchers for the purpose of supporting former comfort women. The Association of Pacific War Victims and Bereaved Families was a completely different organization made up of victims who had been drafted or requisitioned during the war as well as their bereaved family members.
Regarding how he proceeded with the news gathering, Uemura said: "I went to South Korea after I was contacted by the then chief of the Seoul bureau who had been informed about the testimony by the former comfort woman from Teitaikyo. I never received any information from my mother-in-law."
In order to become a plaintiff in the lawsuit, the former comfort woman subsequently became a member of the Association of Pacific War Victims and Bereaved Families when Yang served as a high-ranking official.
Uemura said: "I covered the story of the former comfort woman as part of my ongoing coverage of various issues related to wartime compensation. I never undertook any reporting with the objective of benefiting my mother-in-law and others."
Uemura returned to Japan on Aug. 12, a day after the article appeared. On Aug. 14, a Seoul correspondent with the Hokkaido Shimbun gained an exclusive interview with the former comfort woman and ran a scoop that named her as Kim Hak-sun. Major South Korean newspapers also ran long articles on her in their Aug. 15 editions.
In the previous summer, Uemura visited South Korea in an attempt to gain the testimony of former comfort women. However, he returned to Japan without interviewing them. He wrote in detail about his news-gathering attempt in the November 1991 edition of MILE, a monthly magazine that covers issues related to the Korean Peninsula. At that time, no criticism had yet emerged about Uemura's article.
The other criticism about the Aug. 11, 1991, article concerns a passage that said "she was a ‘Korean military comfort woman' who was forced to engage in acts of prostitution with Japanese military personnel after being taken to the combat zone under the name of ‘women volunteer corps.'" Critics said the article intentionally ignores the fact that she was sold as a kisaeng and gives the impression she was forcibly taken away by the state as a member of the volunteer corps.
The previous section touched upon the confusion that existed between comfort women and volunteer corps members. At that time, there was also confusion in South Korea over the two, and Uemura misused the term.
Kim, the former comfort woman, first revealed "I spent three years at a kisaeng school from the time I was 14" on Aug. 14, 1991, when she responded to questions from Hokkaido Shimbun and the South Korean media. The kisaeng school is a facility where girls learn how to entertain guests at parties.
According to research in South Korea, there was a difference between kisaeng who obtained the qualification after leaving school and prostitutes. There were some kisaeng who engaged in acts of prostitution because they faced economic difficulties. In Japan after the end of the war, prostitution tours to South Korea were dubbed "kisaeng tourism" and were criticized.
Regarding why he did not touch upon the kisaeng background in the August 1991 article, Uemura said, "I did not hear Kim talk about the kisaeng school in the testimony tape recording." He added: "I never knew about that. I never intentionally ignored it." He said he only learned about it from subsequent reporting in other newspapers.
On Dec. 6, 1991, when Kim filed a lawsuit against the Japanese government, she included a passage in the lawsuit about going to the kisaeng school. After the lawsuit was filed, Uemura wrote an article for page 5 of the Dec. 25, 1991, morning edition published by the Osaka head office in which he describes in detail how Kim became a comfort woman and how she suffered subsequently. But he did not mention anything about the kisaeng school.
Uemura said, "I did not subscribe to the notion that she could not help being made a comfort woman because she was a kisaeng." He added, "Kim originally said that she was made a comfort woman because she was tricked." He wrote about that fact in the August article.
Also on Dec. 6, 1991, an article written by a different reporter appeared on the front page of the evening edition. But that article also had no mention of kisaeng. While other reporters besides Uemura have subsequently written articles about Kim, there has been no mention of kisaeng.
To our readers
There was no intentional twisting of the facts in the article by Uemura. The catalyst for eventually writing the August 1991 article was the provision of information by the chief of the Seoul bureau of that time. He did not obtain any special information through his relationship with his mother-in-law.
Reporting by other newspapers
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To look into how other newspapers covered the comfort women issue, microfilm kept at the National Diet Library and databases of the various companies that allow for searches were used to check articles that appeared, particularly since the late 1980s, in the Yomiuri Shimbun, the Mainichi Shimbun and the Sankei Shimbun.
The thrust of the research focuses on three main points looked into by The Asahi Shimbun in this special coverage. The points are: how was the late Seiji Yoshida covered; was there confusion between "comfort women" and "women volunteer corps"; and was the term "forcible taking away " used in reporting on the comfort women issue.
Yoshida gave testimony that he "hunted comfort women" on Jeju Island in South Korea. The Sankei, which has criticized the Asahi's past coverage of Yoshida, ran a series of articles in its evening edition published by the Osaka head office in 1993 under the title "Thoughts on human rights."
This Sankei series included wide coverage of Yoshida. The theme of the series was "thinking along with ‘witnesses' about war, which is the greatest infringement of human rights, and re-examining it."
An article that appeared in the Sept. 1, 1993, edition had a headline of "Victimizer, an endless pilgrimage of apology" and included a photo of Yoshida apologizing to Kim Hak-sun, the former comfort woman. He was introduced as "'a witness' who has revealed taking away roughly more than 1,000 women from Jeju Island, South Korea, to serve as comfort women."
While the article pointed out that "some voices had begun to raise doubts about the reliability (of his testimony)," it added "it cannot be said that forcible taking away did not exist even if there is no testimony from the victims. It is certain that Yoshida holds an important key as a witness."
The series received the 1st Sakata commemorative journalism award given to outstanding reporting based in the Kansai region. The series was turned into a book published by the Buraku Liberation Publishing House Co. in 1994.
The Yomiuri also carried an article about Yoshida in its Aug. 15, 1992, evening edition. The headline was "Theme is comfort women, a meeting to think about ‘war victims.'" The article said, "Seiji Yoshida, who headed the mobilization section at the Shimonoseki branch of the Yamaguchi Prefectural Romu Hokokukai labor organization talked about taking away 100 Korean women to Hainan island by telling them ‘you will receive a good salary as a general maid doing laundry and preparing meals at a hospital.'"
The Mainichi also carried articles in its morning editions of Aug. 12 and 13 in 1992 reporting on Yoshida's visit in the same month to South Korea to apologize.
There was also confusion over "comfort women" and "volunteer corps" in the early 1990s.
The Yomiuri, which criticized past articles in the Asahi for confusing the two terms, published an article in its Aug. 26, 1991, morning edition with the headline "Shedding light on ‘military comfort women,' active movements in Japan, South Korea such as compiling collection of documents and organizing symposiums." The article said, "During the Pacific War, Korean women were gathered under the name of ‘women volunteer corps' and sent to the front lines as military comfort women. While the number is said to have been 200,000, the actual situation is still unclear."
In an article that appeared in the Jan. 16, 1992, morning edition about Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa's visit to South Korea, there is also confusion about the two terms with such a passage as "during the war, there were said to be between 100,000 and 200,000 Korean military comfort women who were forcibly taken away under the name of ‘volunteer corps.'"
In an article that appeared in the Mainichi's Dec. 13, 1991, morning edition under the "People" section about Kim Hak-sun, the former comfort woman, a passage said: "Women 14 years old and above were taken away from the Korean Peninsula under such names as volunteer corps and made military comfort women. The number is said to be 200,000, and they were left behind on the battlefield after the end of the war."
The Asahi inquired about the present understanding of the three newspaper companies toward the articles that have been mentioned here. The Mainichi and Sankei submitted the following responses, but there was no response from the Yomiuri.
Comment from the official in charge of public relations in the president's office of the Mainichi Shimbun: All of the articles reported on events that happened at that time, so there is nothing we can comment about at this time.
Comment from the public relations department of the Sankei Shimbun: The articles in question not only introduced the testimony and actions of Seiji Yoshida, but also pointed out the voices of doubt over its reliability. Subsequently, we have reported that his testimony was a ‘fabrication' and ‘fiction' on the basis of further information-gathering and research by scholars."
Citizens groups opposed Asian Women's Fund
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From an early stage, the Japanese government was considering providing financial aid to former comfort women as a token of "apology," but no concrete steps were taken to set a system in place until the Tomiichi Murayama administration came into being in 1994. In October that year, the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party, the Japan Socialist Party and New Party Sakigake began discussing the matter in the "Subcommittee to Address Wartime Comfort Women Issue" that was set up as part of the project team to deal with the issues related to 50 years after the war.
The Japanese government has always taken the stand that all matters related to South Korea's claims for wartime compensation have been completely settled under the Japan-South Korea agreement on property and claim rights and other agreements, and that the Japanese government bears no further legal responsibility.
Citizens groups in Japan and South Korea called for "government reparations," and the Japan Socialist Party, of which Prime Minister Murayama was a member, also insisted on them. However, in order to advance "matters concerning Japan's postwar responsibility," the party compromised and agreed to collect donations from the private sector.
In June 1995, Chief Cabinet Secretary Kozo Igarashi announced the establishment of a foundation, tentatively named "Josei no Tameno Ajia Heiwa Yuko Kikin (the Asian Peace and Friendship Foundation for Women)." The arrangement was that the foundation's capital would rely on private donations, while the Japanese government would chip in to finance medical care and welfare programs.
In reference to these programs, the South Korean government issued a statement to the effect that the Japanese government showed "sincerity" in that a "public element was being introduced into the foundation in the form of Japanese government funding for some of the programs."
A former South Korean ambassador to Japan described the Japanese government's decision as "something that was possible only under a coalition government that includes the Japan Socialist Party," and the South Korean government also praised the foundation at first.
‘Demand for government reparations'
In July 1995, the foundation was officially established as the Asian Women's Fund. But the differences in how Japan and South Korea viewed the fund began to grow as the fund entered full operations.
From the time the fund was still on the drawing board, Japanese as well as South Korean groups supporting former comfort women were critical of it, saying that "since the fund was not a vehicle for the payment of government reparations, it allowed the Japanese government's responsibility to remain vague." The most vocal critic of the fund was the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan (Teitaikyo), which demanded punishment for individuals who were responsible for the matter. Their differences were never ironed out.
The fact that the Japanese government--which did not acknowledge its legal responsibility--kept explaining the fund as a "private-sector project" came across to the former comfort women's support groups as an indication that the Japanese government was evading responsibility. And the objectives of the fund were further misunderstood by the South Korean public when South Korean media translated the "atonement money" being paid by the fund as "iro-kin" (bonus).
However, not all former comfort women agreed with Teitaikyo's stance.
In January 1997, a closed ceremony was held in Seoul for the first time to present atonement money and medical care expenses to former comfort women who wished to receive them. According to sources, a letter of apology from Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto was read out in Korean, and the women--dressed formally in traditional Korean "chima" and "jeogori"--wept uncontrollably or expressed great joy.
But when the ceremony was made public after the fact, South Korean society reacted with outrage. The names of the seven women who took the money were disclosed, and they were vilified in harsh terms. "You sold your soul for money," they were told. "The victim becomes a licensed prostitute if she takes sympathy money from those who refuse to acknowledge their guilt."
The South Korean Foreign Ministry issued a statement deploring the fact that the fund went ahead with its plans to pay money "in disregard of the wishes of our government and the great majority of the victims." At a meeting of the foreign ministers of Japan and South Korea that took place immediately after the ceremony, South Korean Foreign Minister Yoo Chong-ha demanded the suspension of payment from the fund.
Independent fund raising
This sudden hardening of the South Korean government's stance owed partly to the rapid deterioration of Japan-South Korea relations over another issue.
When Japan decided in early 1996 to define its exclusive economic zone, the territorial dispute was rekindled over the Takeshima islands. Amid a surge of anti-Japanese movements at home, the South Korean government was forced to heed the voices of citizens groups. An official who was in charge of Japanese affairs at the time later recalled, "President Kim Young-sam only stressed investigating the truth and stopped allowing (the former comfort women) to accept atonement money."
Teitaikyo and other support groups began their own fund-raising drives in defiance of the Asian Women's Fund. In May 1998, the South Korean government began paying 31.5 million won (about 3.12 million yen) in government aid and 4.18 million won (about 410,000 yen) in privately collected donations to each woman, but this was only for women who had no intention of receiving money from the Asian Women's Fund. This made it considerably harder for the fund to run its activities.
In May 2002, the Asian Women's Fund completed its programs in South Korea. Murayama, who was the fund's president at the time, told a news conference that "the fund had faced many difficulties but was able to fulfill its act of atonement to the former comfort women who agreed to accept the money."
***
The Asian Women's Fund was established in July 1995 in response to the Kono statement. The fund handed to each former comfort woman a letter of apology from the Japanese prime minister, together with 2 million yen in atonement money donated by the Japanese public and 1.2 million yen to 3 million yen in medical care expenses financed by the Japanese government as part of its medical care and welfare program.
In South Korea, the fund made payments to 61 out of 207 women who had been officially recognized by the South Korean government as former comfort women (as of 2002). But since they were severely criticized by their fellow citizens or denied South Korean government benefits if they announced they were taking money from the fund, the whole exercise had to be conducted behind the scenes.
There were 13 recipients in Taiwan and 211 in the Philippines. In the Netherlands, 79 women accepted medical care expenses only. In Indonesia, the difficulty of determining former comfort women resulted in the establishment of a facility for the elderly.
The South Korean government praised the contents of the Kono statement
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Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono heads to the news conference to announce the statement issued under his name on Aug. 4, 1993. (Asahi Shimbun file photo)
One event that triggered stronger opposition in South Korea over the comfort women issue occurred at the Upper House Budget Committee in June 1990. As greater attention was focused on the comfort women issue in South Korea due to articles that appeared in The Hankyoreh newspaper, Tsutao Shimizu, the director-general of the Employment Security Bureau of the Labor Ministry, said at the Budget Committee session about comfort women, "Although it appears there existed the situation of private-sector businesses working together with the military to move them around, we are unable to investigate what actually happened."
A major uproar arose in South Korean public opinion, and the issue began to be debated in the Diet.
'Government involvement'
In December 1991, former comfort women filed a lawsuit against the Japanese government. The Cabinet Councilors' Office on External Affairs began an investigation into documents related to comfort women.
According to the report of the government study into the compilation of the Kono statement, South Korea inquired at that time about the possibility for an apology. Although the Japanese side informally considered the possibility that "it would be appropriate to have the prime minister virtually admit to involvement by the Japanese military and express feelings of remorse and disappointment," it never did demonstrate its policy to foreign nations.
On Jan. 11, 1992, The Asahi Shimbun ran an article about a directive issued by the former Japanese military that was found at the National Institute for Defense Studies and said "the state was involved" in the comfort stations. Although the central government also confirmed the same document on Jan. 7, Chief Cabinet Secretary Koichi Kato and Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Nobuo Ishihara discussed the matter on Jan. 11. The scheduled visit to South Korea by Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa was nearing, and Ishihara proposed, "Let us make a rough apology."
When he was a youth, Kato was told directly by a former soldier about the use of comfort stations, so he agreed with Ishihara. On the evening of Jan. 11, Kato admitted for the first time involvement by the Japanese military.
In response to a question from the Asahi, he said, "We cannot deny involvement by the military of that time." At his meeting with the South Korean president on Jan. 17, Miyazawa made an official apology.
On July 6, 1992, the Japanese government announced the results of its investigation that had started in December 1991.
Kato said, "There was government involvement in the establishment of comfort stations, the regulating of those who were in charge of recruiting, the construction and expansion of comfort facilities, the management and oversight of comfort stations, public health control and the issuing of ID cards, etc."
The South Korean government said, "We praise the efforts," but called for further investigation by saying, "It has not yet reached a point of clarifying the overall picture of the issue."
‘Coercion'
South Korea was not completely satisfied with the results of the investigation, and said: "We ask that further efforts be made to clarify the facts, including whether coercion was involved during recruitment. We are concerned about the trend in South Korean public opinion regarding the fact that the investigation results do not contain examples of clear cases of forcible taking away of women that were found in the testimony."
In mid-October, the South Korean government said, "The explanation that ‘We are unsure about the existence of coercion because no documents could be found' is viewed by the South Korean people as a sign that true efforts have not been made."
In late October, Japan informed South Korea that it had decided to pursue the policy of saying "while it is difficult to clearly certify the existence of coercion, the existence of some elements of coercion cannot be denied."
Japan was now faced with the task of how to respond to the requests made by South Korea.
In January 1993, Japan began interviewing individuals with ties to the military, the Korea Government-General and management of the comfort stations. However, those individuals denied "forcible taking away in the narrow sense of the term," such as something close to kidnapping by public authorities. Thereafter, documents related to the Korean Peninsula were never uncovered.
Around February, the Foreign Ministry compiled an internal document that said, "It cannot be denied that there were cases of being made military comfort women in a form that went against their will." In a March session of the Upper House Budget Committee, Sakutaro Tanino, who headed the Cabinet Councilors' Office on External Affairs, said, "Coercion does not only mean the use of physical means but also includes a wider range of situations that go against the free will of the individual by threatening or invoking a sense of awe."
That led to the start of consideration about incorporating a wider sense of coercion. Toward the end of the previous year, South Korea had also said, "It is important to recognize that they became comfort women against their will."
The Japanese government began work to compile a statement in the name of the chief Cabinet secretary that would express its thinking on coercion and an apology to the comfort women. The decision was also made to conduct interviews of former comfort women, as requested by South Korea, in order to "show a sincere posture and deeply understand their feelings, rather than uncover the facts."
‘Apology and remorse'
The statement was compiled through interaction with South Korea responding to various inquiries made by Japan. For example, the original draft had "express a heartfelt apology," but South Korea expressed its thinking that the addition of a "feeling of remorse" would be better. Japan agreed to that change.
On the other hand, regarding the recruitment of comfort women, South Korea proposed that it was handled by "the military or businesses that received instructions from the military." Japan rejected that proposal on the grounds that such recruitment was mainly conducted by businesses that responded to the intention of the military, not by the military itself.
Coordination between the two sides progressed "within the limits that did not distort the facts."
However, documents from military tribunals contained examples showing that the military had used force to make Dutch women comfort women in occupied Indonesia.
The government referred to those materials, and the statement said, in relation to the recruitment of comfort women, "at times, government authorities and others directly took part in the recruitments."
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono issued the statement on Aug. 4, shortly before the formation of the Hosokawa administration, which was established after the Liberal Democratic Party was forced into the opposition for the first time since its formation.
On the eve of the announcement, South Korea passed on to the Japanese side its view that "President Kim Young-sam praises it, and the South Korean government is satisfied."
Ishihara later reflected that "the issue has reached a certain resolution."
The statement said about comfort women "their recruitment, transfer, control, etc., were conducted generally against their will, through coaxing, coercion, etc. … (The government would like to) extend its sincere apologies and remorse."
The South Korean Foreign Ministry issued a statement that said: "It recognizes overall coercion. Along with the apology and remorse, we praise the expression of the will to use it as a lesson of history."
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Letter from the prime minister to the former comfort women
Dear Madam,
On the occasion that the Asian Women's Fund, in cooperation with the Government and the people of Japan, offers atonement from the Japanese people to the former wartime comfort women, I wish to express my feelings as well.
The issue of comfort women, with an involvement of the Japanese military authorities at that time, was a grave affront to the honor and dignity of large numbers of women.
As Prime Minister of Japan, I thus extend anew my most sincere apologies and remorse to all the women who underwent immeasurable and painful experiences and suffered incurable physical and psychological wounds as comfort women.
We must not evade the weight of the past, nor should we evade our responsibilities for the future.
I believe that our country, painfully aware of its moral responsibilities, with feelings of apology and remorse, should face up squarely to its past history and accurately convey it to future generations.
Furthermore, Japan also should take an active part in dealing with violence and other forms of injustice to the honor and dignity of women.
Finally, I pray from the bottom of my heart that each of you will find peace for the rest of your lives.
Respectfully yours,
(Signed by the prime minister of that time. Those who served as prime minister were Ryutaro Hashimoto, Keizo Obuchi, Yoshiro Mori and Junichiro Koizumi.)
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Statement by the Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono on the result of the study on the issue of "comfort women"
August 4, 1993
The Government of Japan has been conducting a study on the issue of wartime "comfort women" since December 1991. I wish to announce the findings as a result of that study.
As a result of the study which indicates that comfort stations were operated in extensive areas for long periods, it is apparent that there existed a great number of comfort women. Comfort stations were operated in response to the request of the military authorities of the day. The then Japanese military was, directly or indirectly, involved in the establishment and management of the comfort stations and the transfer of comfort women. The recruitment of the comfort women was conducted mainly by private recruiters who acted in response to the request of the military. The Government study has revealed that in many cases they were recruited against their own will, through coaxing, coercion, etc., and that, at times, administrative/military personnel directly took part in the recruitments. They lived in misery at comfort stations under a coercive atmosphere.
As to the origin of those comfort women who were transferred to the war areas, excluding those from Japan, those from the Korean Peninsula accounted for a large part. The Korean Peninsula was under Japanese rule in those days, and their recruitment, transfer, control, etc., were conducted generally against their will, through coaxing, coercion, etc.
Undeniably, this was an act, with the involvement of the military authorities of the day, that severely injured the honor and dignity of many women. The Government of Japan would like to take this opportunity once again to extend its sincere apologies and remorse to all those, irrespective of place of origin, who suffered immeasurable pain and incurable physical and psychological wounds as comfort women.
It is incumbent upon us, the Government of Japan, to continue to consider seriously, while listening to the views of learned circles, how best we can express this sentiment.
We shall face squarely the historical facts as described above instead of evading them, and take them to heart as lessons of history. We hereby reiterate our firm determination never to repeat the same mistake by forever engraving such issues in our memories through the study and teaching of history.
As actions have been brought to court in Japan and interests have been shown in this issue outside Japan, the Government of Japan shall continue to pay full attention to this matter, including private researched related thereto.
(From the Foreign Ministry website)
Thinking about the comfort women issue
[Japanese]
Look squarely at essence of 'comfort women' issue
By Nobuyuki Sugiura Executive Editor (8/22)
Response to questions raised by readers about our coverage of the comfort women issue
We have re-examined our coverage of the "comfort women" issue in order to respond to the various questions from our readers about that coverage by The Asahi Shimbun.
We would now like to report on the results of that re-examination to our readers.
(By the team of reporters examining the comfort women issue)
The positions included in the articles are those of the individuals at that point in time. The ages of reporters given are current. Unless there is an explanation, all the articles are from the version published by the Tokyo head office of The Asahi Shimbun.
published by the Tokyo head office of The Asahi Shimbun.
Comfort stations and conmfort women
What is the 'comfort women' issue all about?(08/22)
Forcibly taken away: Coercion that led to lost freedom existed(08/22)
Testimony about 'forcible taking away of women on Jeju Island': Judged to be fabrication because supporting evidence not found(08/22)
'Documents showing military involvement': Government officials aware of existence before reporting in Asahi(08/22)
Confusion with 'volunteer corps': Insufficient research at that time led to comfort women and volunteer corps seen as the same(08/22)
'First testimony by former comfort woman': No twisting of facts in article(08/22)
Reporting by other newspapers(08/22)
How did problems emerge in the Japan-South Korea relationship?
How did the comfort women issue develop into a political and diplomatic matter? Why has the relationship between Japan and South Korea become so troubled despite the efforts of the two governments to resolve the issue, and why has that situation continued until today?
(By the team of reporters examining the comfort women issue)
The positions included in the articles are those of the individuals at that point in time.
The South Korean government praised the contents of the Kono statement(08/22)
Citizens groups opposed Asian Women's Fund(08/22)
Issue became pressing matter again after decision by Constitutional Court of Korea(08/22)
In relation to this coverage, point of views by experts from Japan and the United States on the comfort women issue will be posted.
What is the 'comfort women' issue all about?
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Q: What are comfort women?
A: Women who were forced to serve as sexual partners of military personnel at comfort stations created under the involvement of the Japanese military during a time of war. In the statement released by the government in August 1993 under the name of Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono (the Kono statement), there was wording that said, "this was an act, with the involvement of the military authorities of the day, that severely injured the honor and dignity of many women."
Q: What kind of people were forced to become comfort women?
A: Besides Japanese who lived in Japan proper, women from the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan, which were under Japanese colonial rule, were also made to become comfort women. In line with invasions by Japan, comfort stations were also created in China, the Philippines, Burma (present-day Myanmar), Malaysia and other areas. Local women were sent to those comfort stations. In Indonesia, which was under Dutch colonial rule at that time, Indonesian women as well as Dutch women who were living there at the time were made to become comfort women.
In 1938, the government issued a directive that said Japanese women who were to go to China to work as comfort women should be limited to "prostitutes who were 21 years or older." This was likely because of a treaty banning the sale of women and children which prohibited human trafficking or prostitution of women under 21 or children. However, when the government ratified the treaty in 1925, it exempted its colonies from coverage under the treaty. For that reason, girls who were still minors and not prostitutes in the colonies and occupied areas also became comfort women. There are records of girls as young as 17 in the Korean Peninsula and 14 in Taiwan who became comfort women.
Q: How many comfort women were there?
A: Because there are no official records for the total number, there are only various estimates made by researchers. Ikuhiko Hata, a historian of the contemporary period, made an estimate in 1993 of between 60,000 and 90,000. In 1999, he revised that estimate to about 20,000. Yoshiaki Yoshimi, a professor of modern and contemporary Japanese history at Chuo University, made an estimate in 1995 of between 50,000 and 200,000. Recently, he has revised that figure to more than 50,000. There are people in South Korea and China who have given much higher figures.
Q: When and how were comfort stations created?
A: In 1932, the year after the Manchurian Incident, rapes of Chinese women by Japanese soldiers occurred during the Shanghai Incident. According to some records, in order to prevent a heightening of anti-Japanese sentiment, groups of comfort women were invited from Kyushu exclusively for military personnel and civilian workers for the military. Subsequently, other reasons that were given for creating comfort stations were to prevent a decline in war capability due to the spread of sexually transmitted diseases as well as to prevent the leaking of military secrets and to provide comfort to military personnel.
Q: How were the comfort women gathered?
A: In many cases, agents who acted in line with the military's intentions, recruited women first in Japan and then in the colonial areas of the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan. It has also been known that there were many cases in which the women were fooled by being told, "There is good work available," or in which they were sold off by their parents.
On the other hand, in such occupied areas as the Philippines and Indonesia, there are records of women being taken away through the direct use of violence by the Japanese military. According to a 2002 report by the Philippine government, there were cases of the Japanese military using violence to abduct and forcibly take away local women who were then kept at churches and hospitals used as barracks by the Japanese military and repeatedly gang-raped.
Q: What was the life of comfort women like?
A: On the Internet site of the Asian Women's Fund, there is wording that says "while it was certain soldiers directly or indirectly made payments (at the comfort stations), it is unclear how that money was given to the comfort women." It is believed that there were differences in how the women were treated depending on the location and the status of the war.
In 1993, the government also released the results of its investigation along with the Kono statement. The report said the women "were forced to lead a life without freedom since they were made to act along with the military while always being under military supervision in the front lines of combat."
Q: How did the comfort women issue become to be known in Japan?
A: From shortly after the end of the war, accounts of their experiences given by military personnel made mention of such women. In June 1970, Kako Senda wrote in the Shukan Shincho weekly magazine about accounts given by women who said they were made to work as comfort women along with statements made by those who once had ties to the military. In 1973, he published a reportage titled "Jugun Ianfu" (Military comfort women). At that time, the women were considered as part of a secret history of the war.
Q: How did the topic become an issue of interest between Japan and South Korea?
A: In January 1990, Yun Chung-ok, a professor at Ewha Womans University, wrote a series of articles in The Hankyoreh newspaper in South Korea about the comfort women issue titled "A Report of Coverage of Footprints of Grudge of The Volunteer Corps." The visit in May 1990 by South Korean President Roh Tae-woo to Japan served as a catalyst for an increase in calls seeking an apology and compensation from Japan by South Koreans who were made to serve in the Japanese military or work as civilians for the military on the Korean Peninsula, which was under Japanese colonial rule.
* * *
Major events related to the comfort women issue (positions of individuals at that time)
August 1991: Former comfort woman in South Korea comes forward about her past for the first time.
December 1991: Former comfort women file lawsuit against Japanese government. Government begins investigation.
January 1992: Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa apologizes in meeting with South Korean president.
July 1992: Government announces results of investigation and acknowledges involvement of government.
August 1993: Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono issues a statement acknowledging the recruitment, transfer and control of women were conducted generally against their will and expressing "apologies and remorse." (Kono statement)
August 1994: Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama issues a statement expressing the intention to find "an appropriate way which enables a wide participation of people" to resolve the comfort women issue.
July 1995: The private-sector Asian Women's Fund is established under the initiative of the government. The fund implements an "atonement project," including the giving of "atonement money" to former comfort women, based on donations from the Japanese people.
March 2007: The fund is closed.
July 2007: The U.S. House of Representatives passes a resolution seeking an apology from Japan regarding the comfort women issue.
June 2014: The government releases results of a study into the process behind compilation of the Kono statement.
Forcibly taken away: Coercion that led to lost freedom existed
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Question: The government has explained that no documents exist that provide direct evidence for forcible taking away of women, in which the military or police abducted women like kidnappers and forced them to become comfort women. Was there in fact no forcible taking away of the women?
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In 1991 and 1992, when interest was focused on the comfort women issue, The Asahi Shimbun reported that Korean comfort women had been "forcibly taken away." In addition to introducing as one example of forcible taking away of women the testimony about "hunting comfort women" on Jeju Island made by Seiji Yoshida (explained in the next section), the Asahi also published an editorial on Jan. 12, 1992, shortly before Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa visited South Korea. With a title of "Do not avoid looking at history," the editorial said "(comfort women) were recruited or forcibly taken away under the name of 'teishintai' (volunteer corps)."
Progress had not been made at that time in finding documents related to comfort women, so even experts used the term without sufficient proof. In the mid-1980s, Ikuhiko Hata wrote that Korean comfort women "were recruited in a form that was close to forcibly being taken away." (Note 1)
Originally, the "forcible taking away of Koreans" referred in general to the mobilization during the war of Korean people who were under the colonial domination of Japan as laborers in coal and other mines both in Japan and in areas under military occupation. The mobilization was conducted regardless of the intent of the individuals and under a government plan. (Note 2) An ethnic Korean researcher living in Japan who looked into the matter in the 1960s called such mobilization forcible taking away of Koreans (Note 3) and the term became widely used in the mass media. As a result, there was a wide range in the definition of forcible taking away depending on who was using the term.
Under such circumstances, the definition of forcible taking away of comfort women has also been a topic in which differences still exist among various researchers. There are some who hold the view that it should be limited to "'hunting for comfort women' or taking away of people that is close to 'kidnapping' based on the exercise of authority by the public authorities." (Note 4) There are others who hold the view that it should include "taking away through abduction, kidnapping and human trafficking by agents who were selected by the military or colonial government." (Note 5)
The process by which comfort women were gathered on the Korean Peninsula gradually became clearer based on testimony provided by former comfort women who came forward to speak about their experiences in and after 1991.
In February 1993, the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan published a volume that contained the testimony of 19 former comfort women from about 40 in total. The 19 women were chosen because the group had confidence in their reliability, according to Chung Chin-sung, the chairperson of the research group affiliated with the council. Four of the women spoke of "violence by military personnel or civilians working for the military." Many of the women said they were kidnapped after they were coaxed by sweet talk by agents, or were taken after being fooled.
Regardless of how they were recruited, the comfort women spoke of the suffering they experienced, being forced to provide sex while having their freedom taken away for the military in the front lines of combat. They also talked about the fear they felt from the violence and bombing as well as such after-effects as sexually transmitted diseases and sterility.
The statement issued in August 1993 under the name of Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono of the Miyazawa administration (the Kono statement) acknowledged "(comfort women) lived in misery at comfort stations under a coercive atmosphere" and "their recruitment, transfer, control, etc., were conducted generally against their will, through coaxing, coercion, etc."
It is said the investigation conducted by the Japanese government at related ministries and agencies, as well as at the U.S. National Archives and Records Administration, could not confirm on the Korean Peninsula "forcible taking away in the narrow sense of the term" in which the exercise of force was carried out in an organized manner under the will of the military. For that reason, the statement viewed "coercion" in which the women had their free will taken from them in the comfort stations at the front lines as the issue, rather than "forcible taking away."
In July 1993, a month before the Kono statement was released, the Japanese government interviewed former comfort women in Seoul at the office of the Association for Pacific War Victims and Bereaved Families. The report released in June 2014 by the team studying the process through which the Kono statement was compiled said the objective of the interviews was "to deeply understand the feelings of the former comfort women by showing concern for them." The report said that no further investigation was conducted at the time to support the testimony given.
On the day after the Kono statement was released, the Asahi ran a front page story with the headline "Apology after acknowledging 'coercion' on comfort women, 'generally against their will.'"
The Yomiuri, Mainichi and Sankei newspapers all reported that the Kono statement acknowledged "forcible taking away," but the Asahi did not use "forcible taking away."
Looking back, the reporter, 51, in the Political News Section who was covering the chief Cabinet secretary at that time assumes that "coercion" rather than "forcible taking away" was used because there was a difference in interpretation even among specialists.
"What could be read from the statement, the news conference and our news gathering until then was that the government acknowledged forcible taking away in the wide sense that it went against the will of the individual," the reporter said. "However, we felt that if we used the term 'forcible taking away' it might lead to misunderstanding among the readers so we chose more careful wording."
Since 1993, the Asahi has tried not to use the term "forcible taking away" as much as possible.
In the spring of 1997, when the topic of comfort women first emerged in junior high school textbooks, The Asahi Shimbun ran special coverage on the comfort women issue in its March 31, 1997, edition.
No official documents were found that directly showed forcible taking away by the military on the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan, where the people living there were made "subjects" of the Japanese Empire under Japanese colonial rule. Prostitution agents were prevalent due to the poverty and patriarchal family system. For that reason, even if the military was not directly involved, it is said it was possible to gather many women through such methods as work-related scams and human trafficking.
On the other hand, in areas under occupation by the Japanese military, such as Indonesia and China, entries in documents related to war crimes trials by the Allied forces included testimonies that showed local women being forcibly taken away by soldiers and made comfort women. In Indonesia, Dutch women living there were also made comfort women.
In the 1997 special coverage, the Asahi concluded, "it can be said that coercion existed in cases where women were physically forced to remain at the comfort station against their will."
Ever since the Kono statement was issued, all succeeding administrations, including the current Abe administration, have continued to abide by it. At the same time, some politicians and experts have repeatedly made the argument to the effect that the central government does not have to bear any responsibility on grounds "there was no forcible taking away." That argument is based on the fact that no official documents of the Japanese government have been found that show the Japanese military directly taking away the comfort women.
There is a need for further research to determine how comfort women were gathered in the various locations, including the Korean Peninsula. But the essence of the issue is that women lost their freedom and had their dignity taken away at the comfort stations that could not have existed without the involvement of the military.
The awareness of the issue by Asahi regarding its coverage of the comfort women issue has not changed at all.
Note 1: "Jugun Ianfu (Seizoku)" (Military comfort women: original, sequel) in "Nihon Rikugun no Hon Sokaisetsu" (The book of the Japanese Army, complete analysis) (Jiyukokuminsha Co., 1985) compiled by research group on army history
Note 2: Masaru Tonomura "Chosenjin Kyosei Renko" (Forcible taking away of Koreans) (Iwanami Shoten Publishers, 2012)
Note 3: Park Kyong-sik "Chosenjin Kyosei Renko no Kiroku" (Record of forcible taking away of Koreans) (Miraisha, 1965)
Note 4: Ikuhiko Hata "'Ianfugari' Shogen Kensho: Daisandan Doitsu no Jugun Ianfu Mondai" ('Comfort women hunting' testimony, examination: part 3, the comfort women issue in Germany) Shokun September 1992 edition
Note 5: Yoshiaki Yoshimi "'Kono Danwa' wo Do Kangaeruka--Sono Igi to Mondaiten" (How to think about the Kono statement--its significance and problems) in "'Ianfu' Bashing wo Koete" (Moving beyond bashing of comfort women) (Otsuki Shoten, 2013) compiled by Violence Against Women in War Research Action Center
To our readers
On the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan, which were colonies of Japan, agents who worked in line with the intentions of the military were able to gather many women by fooling them with such statements as "There is good work available." No documents have been found that show the military systematically taking away women like kidnappers. On the other hand, in areas under occupation by the Japanese military, such as Indonesia, confirmation has been made of documents that show local women being forcibly taken away by the military. What is common in both cases is the existence of coercion in which women were made to work as comfort women against their will.
Testimony about 'forcible taking away of women on Jeju Island': Judged to be fabrication because supporting evidence not found
2014年8月22日10時00分
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Question: There was a man who testified in books and meetings that he had used violence to forcibly take away women on the Korean Peninsula, which was Japan's colony, to make them serve as comfort women during the war. The Asahi Shimbun ran articles about the man from the 1980s until the early 1990s. However, some people have pointed out that his testimony was a fabrication.
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The man's name was Seiji Yoshida. In his books and on other occasions, he said that he headed the mobilization section at the Shimonoseki branch of the Yamaguchi Prefectural Romu Hokokukai labor organization that was in control of day laborers.
The Asahi Shimbun has run, as far as it can confirm, at least 16 articles about Yoshida. The first appeared in the Sept. 2, 1982, morning edition in the city news page published by the Osaka head office. The article was about a speech that he gave in Osaka in which he said, "I 'hunted up' 200 young Korean women on Jeju Island."
The reporter, 66, who wrote the article, was in the City News Section at the Osaka head office at that time.
The reporter said, "I had absolutely no doubts about the contents of his talk because it was very specific and detailed."
In the early 1990s, other newspapers also ran articles about what Yoshida said at meetings and on other occasions.
In the April 30, 1992, morning edition of the Sankei Shimbun, an article raised doubts about Yoshida's testimony based on the results of an investigation conducted by Ikuhiko Hata on Jeju. Weekly magazines also began publishing articles pointing to "Suspicion of 'fabrication.'"
A reporter, 53, in the City News Section at the Tokyo head office was instructed by his editor to meet with Yoshida immediately after the Sankei article ran. The reporter asked Yoshida to introduce relevant individuals and submit data to corroborate his testimony, but the reporter said Yoshida rejected the request.
During news gathering to prepare for the March 31, 1997, special coverage, Yoshida refused to meet with a reporter, 57, in the City News Section at the Tokyo head office. When the reporter asked over the phone about reports that suspected the testimony was a fabrication, Yoshida responded, "I wrote about my experiences as they were."
Although news gathering was also conducted on Jeju and no corroborating evidence could be obtained, the special coverage said "no confirmation has been made about the authenticity" because there was no conclusive proof that Yoshida's testimony was false. The Asahi has not written about Yoshida since.
However, in November 2012, Shinzo Abe, who was then president of the Liberal Democratic Party, said at a debate among party leaders hosted by the Japan National Press Club, "The problem has become much bigger because false reporting by The Asahi Shimbun has led to the spreading of a book throughout Japan, which has been taken as fact, even though it was created by a man named Seiji Yoshida who is like a con man."
Some newspapers and magazines have repeated criticism of The Asahi Shimbun.
In April and May 2014, The Asahi Shimbun interviewed a total of about 40 people in their late 70s to 90s living on Jeju. However, no evidence was obtained that supported the writings by Yoshida about forcible taking away.
In a town on the northwestern part of the island where Yoshida claimed to have taken away several dozens of women working at a plant making dried fish, there was only one factory in the village that handled fish. The son of the local man who was involved in factory management, now deceased, said, "Only canned products were made there. I never heard from my father about women workers being taken away."
Yoshida wrote that the factory roof was "thatched." Video images that captured conditions at that time were obtained by Norifumi Kawahara, a professor of historical geography at Ritsumeikan University who has conducted research on the fishing industry in South Korea at that time. The images showed the roof to be made of tin and tile.
In June 1993, Kang Jeong-suk, a former researcher at the Korean Research Institute for Chongshindae, conducted research on Jeju based on the writings of Yoshida. "I heard from several elderly people at each of the locations I visited, but I did not come across any testimony that matched the writings," Kang said.
Yoshida wrote in his book he went to Jeju in May 1943 based on a mobilization order from the Western District Army. He also wrote that the contents of the order were left in the diary of his wife (now deceased). However, Yoshida's oldest son, 64, was interviewed for this special coverage, and it was learned that the wife never kept a diary. The son said Yoshida died in July 2000.
When Yoshida met in May 1993 with Yoshiaki Yoshimi, a Chuo University professor, and others, Yoshida explained that "there were occasions when I changed the dates and locations (where he forcibly took the women)." Moreover, Yoshida refused to present the diary in which the contents of the mobilization order were contained. That led Yoshimi to point out, "I had no choice but to confirm that we could not use his testimony." (Note 1)
Masaru Tonomura, an associate professor at the University of Tokyo who is knowledgeable about mobilization matters on the Korean Peninsula during the war, said the Romu Hokokukai that Yoshida claimed he worked for was created through instructions given by the Health and Welfare Ministry as well as the Home Ministry.
"Given the chain of command, it is inconceivable for the military to issue the mobilization order, and for employees to go directly to the Korean Peninsula," Tonomura said.
Yoshida also explained that in May 1943, when he claimed to have forcibly taken away the women, the "Army unit headquarters""maintained military rule" on Jeju. Regarding that point, Kazu Nagai, a professor of modern and contemporary Japanese history at Kyoto University, pointed out that documents of the former Army showed that a large Army force only gathered on Jeju after April 1945.
"The contents of his writing cannot be considered to be true," Nagai said.
Note 1: Yoshiaki Yoshimi and Fumiko Kawata, compilers, "'Jugun Ianfu' wo Meguru 30 no Uso to Shinjutsu" (30 lies and truths surrounding 'military comfort women') (Otsuki Shoten 1997)
To our readers
We have made the judgment that the testimony that Yoshida forcibly took away comfort women on Jeju was a fabrication. We retract our articles on him. We were unable to uncover the falseness of his testimony at the time the articles were published. Although additional research was conducted on Jeju, we were unable to obtain any information that corroborated his testimony. Interviews with researchers have also turned up a number of contradictions regarding the core elements of his testimony.
'Documents showing military involvement': Government officials aware of existence before reporting in Asahi
2014年8月22日10時00分
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Question: Regarding an article by The Asahi Shimbun that appeared on the front page of the Jan. 11, 1992, morning edition and titled "Documents showing military involvement in comfort stations," some people have said it was "intentional reporting" designed to turn the comfort women issue into a political matter because the article appeared shortly before Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa visited South Korea.
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The article was about official documents kept at the Library of the National Institute for Defense Studies of the Defense Agency. They showed that during the war, the former Japanese military supervised and controlled the establishment of comfort stations and recruitment of comfort women. The documents also included orders to local units to establish comfort stations.
Questions about the comfort women issue were repeatedly raised in the Diet after 1990. Government officials responded, "We face a situation of not being able to grasp the situation at all," and denied involvement. After the Asahi article appeared, Chief Cabinet Secretary Koichi Kato said, "We cannot deny that the Japanese military in the past was involved."
Five days later, on Jan. 16, Miyazawa visited South Korea, and in his meeting with South Korean President Roh Tae-woo, Miyazawa used the words "remorse and apology" eight times, according to the announcement by South Korean officials.
Yoshiaki Yoshimi, a Chuo University professor, confirmed the existence of the documents at the Library of the National Institute for Defense Studies in late December 1991. He contacted a reporter, 57, at the Asahi's City News Section whom he knew and explained the gist of the documents. The reporter considered writing the article by the end of the year, but decided against it because the documents were not in hand and other information gathering was still insufficient.
On Jan. 6, 1992, Yoshimi found different documents at the library and informed the reporter. The reporter visited the library on Jan. 7 and directly confirmed the contents of the documents and photographed them. The article appeared on Jan. 11 after further interviews with relevant officials and specialists.
According to the report of the government study into the compilation of the Kono statement, on Jan. 7, 1992, the same day the reporter went to the library, a report was submitted to the central government about the existence of the documents indicating military involvement.
Since December 1991, the central government had been told by South Korea that "it would be preferable to implement measures beforehand so that the comfort women issue does not become an urgent matter at the time of the prime minister's visit to South Korea." That led to the start of the investigation by various government ministries and agencies.
In his book "Ianfu to Senjo no Sei" (Comfort women and sex on the battlefield), Ikuhiko Hata, the historian of the contemporary period, pointed out that running the article immediately before the prime minister's visit to South Korea was a "sneak attack" and "surprise move." He wrote "it can be assumed that the information was kept quiet for more than two weeks after it was obtained."
Some newspapers also reported that the Asahi article served as a catalyst for turning the issue into a diplomatic matter between Japan and South Korea.
However, the article was published five days after the reporter obtained detailed information. The reporter said, "With the government not acknowledging involvement, I thought the discovery of a document showing military involvement was newsworthy, and I wrote the article immediately after gathering the necessary information."
Moreover, the central government was aware of the existence of the documents even before the article appeared and had begun moving to deal with the possibility that the comfort women issue could become an urgent matter at the time of the prime minister's visit to South Korea.
One of the documents introduced in the article was a directive issued to deployed troops in 1938 in the name of a senior adjutant to the Minister of War. The document asked that measures be taken to protect the prestige of the military by remaining in close contact with the military and regular police when choosing agents to recruit comfort women in Japan. That was because some agents had been questioned by the police after hurting the prestige of the military by saying "we have the approval of the military."
In his book "Yokuwakaru Ianfu Mondai" (The comfort women issue explained in an easy-to-understand manner), Tsutomu Nishioka, a professor of Korean area studies at Tokyo Christian University, presented his view that the document "was intended to stop agents from committing illegal acts. While it was involvement, it was ‘involvement with good intentions.'"
However, Kazu Nagai, a professor at Kyoto University, rejects the view of "involvement with good intentions." Nagai pays attention to a document issued around the same time under the name of the head of the Home Ministry bureau in charge of the police. While allowing for the recruitment and transport abroad of comfort women, the document also instructed "a serious crackdown of those individuals who claim to have the approval of the military" must be undertaken.
Nagai points out that the document asked the police to keep watch on agents to make sure they did not tell outsiders about their relationship with the military. Regarding the Army Ministry document that was reported by the Asahi, Nagai presents his view in the book "Nicchu Senso kara Sekai Senso e" (From the Japan-China war to world war) that "the document gave instructions to the military command to implement thorough notification of the regulation policy taken by police toward recruitment agents, which was a policy to conceal the relationship between comfort stations and the military/state."
In a short explanation about a keyword that was part of the Jan. 11, 1992, Asahi article, there is wording that said about comfort women, "they were mainly Korean women who were forcibly taken away under the name of volunteer corps. The numbers are said to be between 80,000 and 200,000."
There is criticism that the Asahi confused volunteer corps with comfort women. (An explanation about the confusion will be given in the next section.) While there is also discussion about the number of comfort women, there are only the estimates of researchers because there are no official records. (This is explained in the earlier section titled "What is the ‘comfort women' issue all about?"
To our readers
The article was published five days after the reporter learned the details about the information and was not intended to coincide with Miyazawa's visit to South Korea. The central government had also received a report about the existence of the documents even before the article ran. The central government had been told by the South Korean side since December 1991 that it was preferable to implement measures beforehand so the comfort women issue did not become an urgent matter at the time of the prime minister's visit to South Korea. The central government had also begun consideration of such measures.
PR情報
Confusion with 'volunteer corps': Insufficient research at that time led to comfort women and volunteer corps seen as the same
2014年8月22日10時00分
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Question: Some articles that appeared in The Asahi Shimbun in the early 1990s regarding comfort women from the Korean Peninsula said the women were mobilized under the name of "women volunteer corps." Although it is now clear that comfort women and women volunteer corps were different, why did such an error occur?
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"Women volunteer corps" refer to the "women volunteer labor corps" that were organized to mobilize women as a work force during the war in Japan proper as well as in the former colonies on the Korean Peninsula and Taiwan. With the August 1944 "women volunteer labor order," the corps became a system based on the National Mobilization Law.
Even before then, such corps were organized at schools and in local communities. On the Korean Peninsula, as many as 4,000 students at elementary schools and girls' high schools are said to have been mobilized to work at munitions factories in Japan proper until the end of the war. (Note 1) With the objective of using the women as a work force, the corps were different from comfort women who were made to serve as sexual partners for military personnel.
However, in 1991, when attention was focused on the comfort women issue, the Asahi confused the two. In the Dec. 10, 1991, morning edition, an article about comfort women from the Korean Peninsula said "they were mobilized to the front lines of combat under such names as 'women volunteer corps' from immediately before the start of World War II and were forced into prostitution at comfort stations serving Japanese military personnel."
In the Jan. 11, 1992, morning edition, an article said "with the start of the Pacific War, mainly Korean women were forcibly taken away under the name of volunteer corps. The numbers are said to be between 80,000 and 200,000."
The reason for the confusion was insufficient research. There were very few specialists researching comfort women, so there was insufficient digging up of history. While the Asahi did publish articles about former Japanese volunteer corps members who worked at factories in Japan, research on the volunteer corps on the Korean Peninsula was not at an advanced stage.
A reference material used by Asahi reporters was titled "Chosen wo Shiru Jiten" (Encyclopedia to learn about Korea) (first edition published by Heibonsha Ltd. in 1986). Regarding comfort women, the volume explained "from 1943, about 200,000 Korean women were mobilized as workers under the name of 'women volunteer corps,' and of that number between 50,000 and 70,000 young single women were made into comfort women."
The author of that entry was Setsuko Miyata, a researcher of modern Korean history. Looking back, she said, "Because I could not locate a researcher of comfort women, I could only quote from existing works."
Miyata quoted from a work by Kako Senda titled "Jugun Ianfu" (Military comfort women). That book has a passage that says "the women were gathered under the name of 'volunteer corps'… . Of the total of 200,000 gathered (estimates in South Korea), it is said 'between 50,000 and 70,000' were made into comfort women."
The term "volunteer corps" was used in the sense of "comfort women" in newspaper coverage in Korea in 1946. In explanatory documents related to the July 1944 Cabinet decision to amend the government organization of the Government General of Korea, a passage mentions the spread of "groundless rumors" that unwed women were being requisitioned to serve as comfort women.
While no example has been confirmed of volunteer corps members being made systematically into comfort women, there is the view that a distrust of Japanese colonial authority resulted in an equating of the two, fanning fear from during the war. (Note 2)
Some say one factor behind the confusion is the fact that one group supporting former comfort women has included the word for volunteer corps in its Korean name. (The group's English name is the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan.)
In January 1992, shortly before Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa visited South Korea, a South Korean news agency released an article about the discovery of a school roster that showed a 12-year-old Korean girl who went to an elementary school was mobilized to join the volunteer corps. That led to the misunderstanding that "Japan had made even elementary school students into comfort women" and worsened anti-Japanese sentiment.
Since 1993, The Asahi Shimbun has made efforts to avoid confusing the two. The chief of the Seoul bureau, 72, of that time said, "That's partly because interviews by citizens groups uncovered a situation in which women who worked at munitions factories in Japan as members of the volunteer corps suffered because they were mistakenly viewed as 'having been taken advantage of for sexual comfort of the Japanese military.'"
Note 1: Soji Takasaki "'Hanto Joshi Kinro Teishintai' ni tsuite" (A Study on the "Korean Girls Volunteer Corps") on Digital Museum "The Comfort Women Issue and the Asian Women's Fund"
Note 2: Takeshi Fujinaga "Senjiki Chosen ni okeru 'Ianfu' Doin no 'Ryugen''Zogen' wo megutte" (Related to 'rumors' and 'made-up words' about mobilizing 'comfort women' in wartime Korea) in the volume compiled by Toshihiko Matsuda, etc. titled "Chiiki Shakai kara Miru Teikoku Nihon to Shokuminchi Chosen/Taiwan/Manshu" (Imperial Japan and the colonies Korea, Taiwan and Manchuria as viewed from local society) (Shibunkaku Co. 2013)
To our readers
Women volunteer corps refer to the "women volunteer labor corps" that were mobilized to work at munitions factories and at other locations during the war. They are completely different from comfort women. The term was used mistakenly because research on the comfort women issue was not at an advanced stage at that time and because there was confusion between comfort women and volunteer corps members even in reference materials used by reporters.
'First testimony by former comfort woman': No twisting of facts in article
2014年8月22日10時00分
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Question: Takashi Uemura, a former reporter for The Asahi Shimbun, reported on testimony by a former comfort woman even before the South Korean media. However, there has been criticism that he wrote the article by using his relationship with his mother-in-law, a South Korean who supported lawsuits by former comfort women, and intentionally concealing inconvenient facts.
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One article that has been described as problematic was the top article on the city news page of the Aug. 11, 1991, edition published by Asahi's Osaka head office. The article ran with the headline "Tears still well up when I remember, a former South Korean military comfort woman finally opens up half-century after end of war."
The article was about testimony given by a former comfort woman. She spoke for the first time about her experiences to the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan (Teitaikyo). Uemura said he listened to a taped recording of the testimony on Aug. 10 and wrote the article. At that time, he was a reporter in the City News Section of the Osaka head office and was in South Korea on business.
Under condition of anonymity, he gained information about the testimony by the former comfort woman and published the article even before the South Korean media.
The major points raised by those critical of the article are: 1) He was provided favors by his mother-in-law, who was a high-ranking official of an organization that provided support for lawsuits filed by former comfort women, and 2) the article hid the fact the former comfort woman attended a school for "kisaeng" (Korean female entertainers) and was written as if she was forcibly taken away even though she had been sold through human trafficking.
According to Uemura, about six months before the article appeared in August, he married the daughter of Yang Sun-im, who was a high-ranking official of the Association of Pacific War Victims and Bereaved Families.
Teitaikyo was established mainly by female researchers for the purpose of supporting former comfort women. The Association of Pacific War Victims and Bereaved Families was a completely different organization made up of victims who had been drafted or requisitioned during the war as well as their bereaved family members.
Regarding how he proceeded with the news gathering, Uemura said: "I went to South Korea after I was contacted by the then chief of the Seoul bureau who had been informed about the testimony by the former comfort woman from Teitaikyo. I never received any information from my mother-in-law."
In order to become a plaintiff in the lawsuit, the former comfort woman subsequently became a member of the Association of Pacific War Victims and Bereaved Families when Yang served as a high-ranking official.
Uemura said: "I covered the story of the former comfort woman as part of my ongoing coverage of various issues related to wartime compensation. I never undertook any reporting with the objective of benefiting my mother-in-law and others."
Uemura returned to Japan on Aug. 12, a day after the article appeared. On Aug. 14, a Seoul correspondent with the Hokkaido Shimbun gained an exclusive interview with the former comfort woman and ran a scoop that named her as Kim Hak-sun. Major South Korean newspapers also ran long articles on her in their Aug. 15 editions.
In the previous summer, Uemura visited South Korea in an attempt to gain the testimony of former comfort women. However, he returned to Japan without interviewing them. He wrote in detail about his news-gathering attempt in the November 1991 edition of MILE, a monthly magazine that covers issues related to the Korean Peninsula. At that time, no criticism had yet emerged about Uemura's article.
The other criticism about the Aug. 11, 1991, article concerns a passage that said "she was a ‘Korean military comfort woman' who was forced to engage in acts of prostitution with Japanese military personnel after being taken to the combat zone under the name of ‘women volunteer corps.'" Critics said the article intentionally ignores the fact that she was sold as a kisaeng and gives the impression she was forcibly taken away by the state as a member of the volunteer corps.
The previous section touched upon the confusion that existed between comfort women and volunteer corps members. At that time, there was also confusion in South Korea over the two, and Uemura misused the term.
Kim, the former comfort woman, first revealed "I spent three years at a kisaeng school from the time I was 14" on Aug. 14, 1991, when she responded to questions from Hokkaido Shimbun and the South Korean media. The kisaeng school is a facility where girls learn how to entertain guests at parties.
According to research in South Korea, there was a difference between kisaeng who obtained the qualification after leaving school and prostitutes. There were some kisaeng who engaged in acts of prostitution because they faced economic difficulties. In Japan after the end of the war, prostitution tours to South Korea were dubbed "kisaeng tourism" and were criticized.
Regarding why he did not touch upon the kisaeng background in the August 1991 article, Uemura said, "I did not hear Kim talk about the kisaeng school in the testimony tape recording." He added: "I never knew about that. I never intentionally ignored it." He said he only learned about it from subsequent reporting in other newspapers.
On Dec. 6, 1991, when Kim filed a lawsuit against the Japanese government, she included a passage in the lawsuit about going to the kisaeng school. After the lawsuit was filed, Uemura wrote an article for page 5 of the Dec. 25, 1991, morning edition published by the Osaka head office in which he describes in detail how Kim became a comfort woman and how she suffered subsequently. But he did not mention anything about the kisaeng school.
Uemura said, "I did not subscribe to the notion that she could not help being made a comfort woman because she was a kisaeng." He added, "Kim originally said that she was made a comfort woman because she was tricked." He wrote about that fact in the August article.
Also on Dec. 6, 1991, an article written by a different reporter appeared on the front page of the evening edition. But that article also had no mention of kisaeng. While other reporters besides Uemura have subsequently written articles about Kim, there has been no mention of kisaeng.
To our readers
There was no intentional twisting of the facts in the article by Uemura. The catalyst for eventually writing the August 1991 article was the provision of information by the chief of the Seoul bureau of that time. He did not obtain any special information through his relationship with his mother-in-law.
Reporting by other newspapers
2014年8月22日10時00分
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To look into how other newspapers covered the comfort women issue, microfilm kept at the National Diet Library and databases of the various companies that allow for searches were used to check articles that appeared, particularly since the late 1980s, in the Yomiuri Shimbun, the Mainichi Shimbun and the Sankei Shimbun.
The thrust of the research focuses on three main points looked into by The Asahi Shimbun in this special coverage. The points are: how was the late Seiji Yoshida covered; was there confusion between "comfort women" and "women volunteer corps"; and was the term "forcible taking away " used in reporting on the comfort women issue.
Yoshida gave testimony that he "hunted comfort women" on Jeju Island in South Korea. The Sankei, which has criticized the Asahi's past coverage of Yoshida, ran a series of articles in its evening edition published by the Osaka head office in 1993 under the title "Thoughts on human rights."
This Sankei series included wide coverage of Yoshida. The theme of the series was "thinking along with ‘witnesses' about war, which is the greatest infringement of human rights, and re-examining it."
An article that appeared in the Sept. 1, 1993, edition had a headline of "Victimizer, an endless pilgrimage of apology" and included a photo of Yoshida apologizing to Kim Hak-sun, the former comfort woman. He was introduced as "'a witness' who has revealed taking away roughly more than 1,000 women from Jeju Island, South Korea, to serve as comfort women."
While the article pointed out that "some voices had begun to raise doubts about the reliability (of his testimony)," it added "it cannot be said that forcible taking away did not exist even if there is no testimony from the victims. It is certain that Yoshida holds an important key as a witness."
The series received the 1st Sakata commemorative journalism award given to outstanding reporting based in the Kansai region. The series was turned into a book published by the Buraku Liberation Publishing House Co. in 1994.
The Yomiuri also carried an article about Yoshida in its Aug. 15, 1992, evening edition. The headline was "Theme is comfort women, a meeting to think about ‘war victims.'" The article said, "Seiji Yoshida, who headed the mobilization section at the Shimonoseki branch of the Yamaguchi Prefectural Romu Hokokukai labor organization talked about taking away 100 Korean women to Hainan island by telling them ‘you will receive a good salary as a general maid doing laundry and preparing meals at a hospital.'"
The Mainichi also carried articles in its morning editions of Aug. 12 and 13 in 1992 reporting on Yoshida's visit in the same month to South Korea to apologize.
There was also confusion over "comfort women" and "volunteer corps" in the early 1990s.
The Yomiuri, which criticized past articles in the Asahi for confusing the two terms, published an article in its Aug. 26, 1991, morning edition with the headline "Shedding light on ‘military comfort women,' active movements in Japan, South Korea such as compiling collection of documents and organizing symposiums." The article said, "During the Pacific War, Korean women were gathered under the name of ‘women volunteer corps' and sent to the front lines as military comfort women. While the number is said to have been 200,000, the actual situation is still unclear."
In an article that appeared in the Jan. 16, 1992, morning edition about Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa's visit to South Korea, there is also confusion about the two terms with such a passage as "during the war, there were said to be between 100,000 and 200,000 Korean military comfort women who were forcibly taken away under the name of ‘volunteer corps.'"
In an article that appeared in the Mainichi's Dec. 13, 1991, morning edition under the "People" section about Kim Hak-sun, the former comfort woman, a passage said: "Women 14 years old and above were taken away from the Korean Peninsula under such names as volunteer corps and made military comfort women. The number is said to be 200,000, and they were left behind on the battlefield after the end of the war."
The Asahi inquired about the present understanding of the three newspaper companies toward the articles that have been mentioned here. The Mainichi and Sankei submitted the following responses, but there was no response from the Yomiuri.
Comment from the official in charge of public relations in the president's office of the Mainichi Shimbun: All of the articles reported on events that happened at that time, so there is nothing we can comment about at this time.
Comment from the public relations department of the Sankei Shimbun: The articles in question not only introduced the testimony and actions of Seiji Yoshida, but also pointed out the voices of doubt over its reliability. Subsequently, we have reported that his testimony was a ‘fabrication' and ‘fiction' on the basis of further information-gathering and research by scholars."
Citizens groups opposed Asian Women's Fund
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From an early stage, the Japanese government was considering providing financial aid to former comfort women as a token of "apology," but no concrete steps were taken to set a system in place until the Tomiichi Murayama administration came into being in 1994. In October that year, the ruling coalition of the Liberal Democratic Party, the Japan Socialist Party and New Party Sakigake began discussing the matter in the "Subcommittee to Address Wartime Comfort Women Issue" that was set up as part of the project team to deal with the issues related to 50 years after the war.
The Japanese government has always taken the stand that all matters related to South Korea's claims for wartime compensation have been completely settled under the Japan-South Korea agreement on property and claim rights and other agreements, and that the Japanese government bears no further legal responsibility.
Citizens groups in Japan and South Korea called for "government reparations," and the Japan Socialist Party, of which Prime Minister Murayama was a member, also insisted on them. However, in order to advance "matters concerning Japan's postwar responsibility," the party compromised and agreed to collect donations from the private sector.
In June 1995, Chief Cabinet Secretary Kozo Igarashi announced the establishment of a foundation, tentatively named "Josei no Tameno Ajia Heiwa Yuko Kikin (the Asian Peace and Friendship Foundation for Women)." The arrangement was that the foundation's capital would rely on private donations, while the Japanese government would chip in to finance medical care and welfare programs.
In reference to these programs, the South Korean government issued a statement to the effect that the Japanese government showed "sincerity" in that a "public element was being introduced into the foundation in the form of Japanese government funding for some of the programs."
A former South Korean ambassador to Japan described the Japanese government's decision as "something that was possible only under a coalition government that includes the Japan Socialist Party," and the South Korean government also praised the foundation at first.
‘Demand for government reparations'
In July 1995, the foundation was officially established as the Asian Women's Fund. But the differences in how Japan and South Korea viewed the fund began to grow as the fund entered full operations.
From the time the fund was still on the drawing board, Japanese as well as South Korean groups supporting former comfort women were critical of it, saying that "since the fund was not a vehicle for the payment of government reparations, it allowed the Japanese government's responsibility to remain vague." The most vocal critic of the fund was the Korean Council for the Women Drafted for Military Sexual Slavery by Japan (Teitaikyo), which demanded punishment for individuals who were responsible for the matter. Their differences were never ironed out.
The fact that the Japanese government--which did not acknowledge its legal responsibility--kept explaining the fund as a "private-sector project" came across to the former comfort women's support groups as an indication that the Japanese government was evading responsibility. And the objectives of the fund were further misunderstood by the South Korean public when South Korean media translated the "atonement money" being paid by the fund as "iro-kin" (bonus).
However, not all former comfort women agreed with Teitaikyo's stance.
In January 1997, a closed ceremony was held in Seoul for the first time to present atonement money and medical care expenses to former comfort women who wished to receive them. According to sources, a letter of apology from Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto was read out in Korean, and the women--dressed formally in traditional Korean "chima" and "jeogori"--wept uncontrollably or expressed great joy.
But when the ceremony was made public after the fact, South Korean society reacted with outrage. The names of the seven women who took the money were disclosed, and they were vilified in harsh terms. "You sold your soul for money," they were told. "The victim becomes a licensed prostitute if she takes sympathy money from those who refuse to acknowledge their guilt."
The South Korean Foreign Ministry issued a statement deploring the fact that the fund went ahead with its plans to pay money "in disregard of the wishes of our government and the great majority of the victims." At a meeting of the foreign ministers of Japan and South Korea that took place immediately after the ceremony, South Korean Foreign Minister Yoo Chong-ha demanded the suspension of payment from the fund.
Independent fund raising
This sudden hardening of the South Korean government's stance owed partly to the rapid deterioration of Japan-South Korea relations over another issue.
When Japan decided in early 1996 to define its exclusive economic zone, the territorial dispute was rekindled over the Takeshima islands. Amid a surge of anti-Japanese movements at home, the South Korean government was forced to heed the voices of citizens groups. An official who was in charge of Japanese affairs at the time later recalled, "President Kim Young-sam only stressed investigating the truth and stopped allowing (the former comfort women) to accept atonement money."
Teitaikyo and other support groups began their own fund-raising drives in defiance of the Asian Women's Fund. In May 1998, the South Korean government began paying 31.5 million won (about 3.12 million yen) in government aid and 4.18 million won (about 410,000 yen) in privately collected donations to each woman, but this was only for women who had no intention of receiving money from the Asian Women's Fund. This made it considerably harder for the fund to run its activities.
In May 2002, the Asian Women's Fund completed its programs in South Korea. Murayama, who was the fund's president at the time, told a news conference that "the fund had faced many difficulties but was able to fulfill its act of atonement to the former comfort women who agreed to accept the money."
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The Asian Women's Fund was established in July 1995 in response to the Kono statement. The fund handed to each former comfort woman a letter of apology from the Japanese prime minister, together with 2 million yen in atonement money donated by the Japanese public and 1.2 million yen to 3 million yen in medical care expenses financed by the Japanese government as part of its medical care and welfare program.
In South Korea, the fund made payments to 61 out of 207 women who had been officially recognized by the South Korean government as former comfort women (as of 2002). But since they were severely criticized by their fellow citizens or denied South Korean government benefits if they announced they were taking money from the fund, the whole exercise had to be conducted behind the scenes.
There were 13 recipients in Taiwan and 211 in the Philippines. In the Netherlands, 79 women accepted medical care expenses only. In Indonesia, the difficulty of determining former comfort women resulted in the establishment of a facility for the elderly.
The South Korean government praised the contents of the Kono statement
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Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono heads to the news conference to announce the statement issued under his name on Aug. 4, 1993. (Asahi Shimbun file photo)
One event that triggered stronger opposition in South Korea over the comfort women issue occurred at the Upper House Budget Committee in June 1990. As greater attention was focused on the comfort women issue in South Korea due to articles that appeared in The Hankyoreh newspaper, Tsutao Shimizu, the director-general of the Employment Security Bureau of the Labor Ministry, said at the Budget Committee session about comfort women, "Although it appears there existed the situation of private-sector businesses working together with the military to move them around, we are unable to investigate what actually happened."
A major uproar arose in South Korean public opinion, and the issue began to be debated in the Diet.
'Government involvement'
In December 1991, former comfort women filed a lawsuit against the Japanese government. The Cabinet Councilors' Office on External Affairs began an investigation into documents related to comfort women.
According to the report of the government study into the compilation of the Kono statement, South Korea inquired at that time about the possibility for an apology. Although the Japanese side informally considered the possibility that "it would be appropriate to have the prime minister virtually admit to involvement by the Japanese military and express feelings of remorse and disappointment," it never did demonstrate its policy to foreign nations.
On Jan. 11, 1992, The Asahi Shimbun ran an article about a directive issued by the former Japanese military that was found at the National Institute for Defense Studies and said "the state was involved" in the comfort stations. Although the central government also confirmed the same document on Jan. 7, Chief Cabinet Secretary Koichi Kato and Deputy Chief Cabinet Secretary Nobuo Ishihara discussed the matter on Jan. 11. The scheduled visit to South Korea by Prime Minister Kiichi Miyazawa was nearing, and Ishihara proposed, "Let us make a rough apology."
When he was a youth, Kato was told directly by a former soldier about the use of comfort stations, so he agreed with Ishihara. On the evening of Jan. 11, Kato admitted for the first time involvement by the Japanese military.
In response to a question from the Asahi, he said, "We cannot deny involvement by the military of that time." At his meeting with the South Korean president on Jan. 17, Miyazawa made an official apology.
On July 6, 1992, the Japanese government announced the results of its investigation that had started in December 1991.
Kato said, "There was government involvement in the establishment of comfort stations, the regulating of those who were in charge of recruiting, the construction and expansion of comfort facilities, the management and oversight of comfort stations, public health control and the issuing of ID cards, etc."
The South Korean government said, "We praise the efforts," but called for further investigation by saying, "It has not yet reached a point of clarifying the overall picture of the issue."
‘Coercion'
South Korea was not completely satisfied with the results of the investigation, and said: "We ask that further efforts be made to clarify the facts, including whether coercion was involved during recruitment. We are concerned about the trend in South Korean public opinion regarding the fact that the investigation results do not contain examples of clear cases of forcible taking away of women that were found in the testimony."
In mid-October, the South Korean government said, "The explanation that ‘We are unsure about the existence of coercion because no documents could be found' is viewed by the South Korean people as a sign that true efforts have not been made."
In late October, Japan informed South Korea that it had decided to pursue the policy of saying "while it is difficult to clearly certify the existence of coercion, the existence of some elements of coercion cannot be denied."
Japan was now faced with the task of how to respond to the requests made by South Korea.
In January 1993, Japan began interviewing individuals with ties to the military, the Korea Government-General and management of the comfort stations. However, those individuals denied "forcible taking away in the narrow sense of the term," such as something close to kidnapping by public authorities. Thereafter, documents related to the Korean Peninsula were never uncovered.
Around February, the Foreign Ministry compiled an internal document that said, "It cannot be denied that there were cases of being made military comfort women in a form that went against their will." In a March session of the Upper House Budget Committee, Sakutaro Tanino, who headed the Cabinet Councilors' Office on External Affairs, said, "Coercion does not only mean the use of physical means but also includes a wider range of situations that go against the free will of the individual by threatening or invoking a sense of awe."
That led to the start of consideration about incorporating a wider sense of coercion. Toward the end of the previous year, South Korea had also said, "It is important to recognize that they became comfort women against their will."
The Japanese government began work to compile a statement in the name of the chief Cabinet secretary that would express its thinking on coercion and an apology to the comfort women. The decision was also made to conduct interviews of former comfort women, as requested by South Korea, in order to "show a sincere posture and deeply understand their feelings, rather than uncover the facts."
‘Apology and remorse'
The statement was compiled through interaction with South Korea responding to various inquiries made by Japan. For example, the original draft had "express a heartfelt apology," but South Korea expressed its thinking that the addition of a "feeling of remorse" would be better. Japan agreed to that change.
On the other hand, regarding the recruitment of comfort women, South Korea proposed that it was handled by "the military or businesses that received instructions from the military." Japan rejected that proposal on the grounds that such recruitment was mainly conducted by businesses that responded to the intention of the military, not by the military itself.
Coordination between the two sides progressed "within the limits that did not distort the facts."
However, documents from military tribunals contained examples showing that the military had used force to make Dutch women comfort women in occupied Indonesia.
The government referred to those materials, and the statement said, in relation to the recruitment of comfort women, "at times, government authorities and others directly took part in the recruitments."
Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono issued the statement on Aug. 4, shortly before the formation of the Hosokawa administration, which was established after the Liberal Democratic Party was forced into the opposition for the first time since its formation.
On the eve of the announcement, South Korea passed on to the Japanese side its view that "President Kim Young-sam praises it, and the South Korean government is satisfied."
Ishihara later reflected that "the issue has reached a certain resolution."
The statement said about comfort women "their recruitment, transfer, control, etc., were conducted generally against their will, through coaxing, coercion, etc. … (The government would like to) extend its sincere apologies and remorse."
The South Korean Foreign Ministry issued a statement that said: "It recognizes overall coercion. Along with the apology and remorse, we praise the expression of the will to use it as a lesson of history."
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Letter from the prime minister to the former comfort women
Dear Madam,
On the occasion that the Asian Women's Fund, in cooperation with the Government and the people of Japan, offers atonement from the Japanese people to the former wartime comfort women, I wish to express my feelings as well.
The issue of comfort women, with an involvement of the Japanese military authorities at that time, was a grave affront to the honor and dignity of large numbers of women.
As Prime Minister of Japan, I thus extend anew my most sincere apologies and remorse to all the women who underwent immeasurable and painful experiences and suffered incurable physical and psychological wounds as comfort women.
We must not evade the weight of the past, nor should we evade our responsibilities for the future.
I believe that our country, painfully aware of its moral responsibilities, with feelings of apology and remorse, should face up squarely to its past history and accurately convey it to future generations.
Furthermore, Japan also should take an active part in dealing with violence and other forms of injustice to the honor and dignity of women.
Finally, I pray from the bottom of my heart that each of you will find peace for the rest of your lives.
Respectfully yours,
(Signed by the prime minister of that time. Those who served as prime minister were Ryutaro Hashimoto, Keizo Obuchi, Yoshiro Mori and Junichiro Koizumi.)
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Statement by the Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono on the result of the study on the issue of "comfort women"
August 4, 1993
The Government of Japan has been conducting a study on the issue of wartime "comfort women" since December 1991. I wish to announce the findings as a result of that study.
As a result of the study which indicates that comfort stations were operated in extensive areas for long periods, it is apparent that there existed a great number of comfort women. Comfort stations were operated in response to the request of the military authorities of the day. The then Japanese military was, directly or indirectly, involved in the establishment and management of the comfort stations and the transfer of comfort women. The recruitment of the comfort women was conducted mainly by private recruiters who acted in response to the request of the military. The Government study has revealed that in many cases they were recruited against their own will, through coaxing, coercion, etc., and that, at times, administrative/military personnel directly took part in the recruitments. They lived in misery at comfort stations under a coercive atmosphere.
As to the origin of those comfort women who were transferred to the war areas, excluding those from Japan, those from the Korean Peninsula accounted for a large part. The Korean Peninsula was under Japanese rule in those days, and their recruitment, transfer, control, etc., were conducted generally against their will, through coaxing, coercion, etc.
Undeniably, this was an act, with the involvement of the military authorities of the day, that severely injured the honor and dignity of many women. The Government of Japan would like to take this opportunity once again to extend its sincere apologies and remorse to all those, irrespective of place of origin, who suffered immeasurable pain and incurable physical and psychological wounds as comfort women.
It is incumbent upon us, the Government of Japan, to continue to consider seriously, while listening to the views of learned circles, how best we can express this sentiment.
We shall face squarely the historical facts as described above instead of evading them, and take them to heart as lessons of history. We hereby reiterate our firm determination never to repeat the same mistake by forever engraving such issues in our memories through the study and teaching of history.
As actions have been brought to court in Japan and interests have been shown in this issue outside Japan, the Government of Japan shall continue to pay full attention to this matter, including private researched related thereto.
(From the Foreign Ministry website)
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